The Uniform Information Density (UID) hypothesis posits that speakers are subject to a communicative pressure to distribute information evenly within utterances, minimising surprisal variance. While this hypothesis has been tested empirically, prior studies are limited exclusively to text-only inputs, abstracting away from the perceptual context in which utterances are produced. In this work, we present the first computational study of UID in visually grounded settings. We estimate surprisal using multilingual vision-and-language models over image-caption data in 30 languages and visual storytelling data in 13 languages, together spanning 11 families. We find that grounding on perception consistently smooths the distribution of information, increasing both global and local uniformity across typologically diverse languages compared to text-only settings. In visual narratives, grounding in both image and discourse contexts has additional effects, with the strongest surprisal reductions occurring at the onset of discourse units. Overall, this study takes a first step towards modelling the temporal dynamics of information flow in ecologically plausible, multimodal language use, and finds that grounded language exhibits greater information uniformity, supporting a context-sensitive formulation of UID.
Figures & tables
Figure 1: Global and local UID values under the U condition (caption in isolation) and P condition (caption with visual context) across the 30 typologically diverse languages, from 10 language families, in Ground-XM3600 dataset. Points below the dashed diagonal line indicate increased uniformity (i.e., decreased global or local variability) when the caption’s surprisal is conditioned on the image context.
Figure 2: Kernel density estimation of global UID values for captions in Ground-XM3600 , conditioned either on their respective image ( P ) or without any contextual image ( U ). Curves are truncated at the 99th percentile to enhance visual clarity.
Figure 3: Each box represents the distribution of paragraph-level UIDv values across languages under four conditions: no context ( U ); paired image as context ( P ); all preceding paragraphs as context ( D ); all preceding paragraphs and interleaved images as context ( \text{{\color[rgb]{0.4688,0.3672,0.9414}P} }+\text{{\color[rgb]{0.8633,0.1484,0.4961}D} } ). Dashed horizontal lines indicate the mean UIDv per condition, averaged across all languages.
Figure 4: Paragraph-level UID values averaged across BloomVIST stories (truncated at 20 paragraphs) under the utterance only ( U ), perceptual context ( P ), discourse context ( D ), and multimodal context ( \text{{\color[rgb]{0.4688,0.3672,0.9414}P} }+\text{{\color[rgb]{0.8633,0.1484,0.4961}D} } ) conditions.
Appendix figures & tables26 assets
Supplementary material from the paper’s appendix.
Appendix
Lang
Caps
Words
Mean
Std
arb
6928
50225
7.2
3.3
ces
5867
38299
6.5
5.0
dan
6696
58845
8.8
4.4
deu
8615
93753
10.9
3.8
ell
6040
48281
8.0
4.0
eng
7179
67956
9.5
3.9
Appendix
Table 1: Summary statistics of caption lengths across languages in the Ground-XM3600 dataset. Caps : number of captions; Words : total word count; Mean and Std : average and standard deviation of caption lengths (in words).
Lang
Stories
Pars
Words
W/P
W/S
ben
217
1919
58198
30.33
268.19
deu
21
220
10827
49.21
515.57
eng
1997
19602
766901
39.12
384.03
fas
125
599
8128
13.57
65.02
fra
294
3444
136148
39.53
463.09
ind
225
1774
30659
17.28
136.26
Appendix
Table 2: BloomVist data: number of stories, paragraphs (Pars), words, mean words per paragraph (W/P), and words per story (W/S).
Macro-area
WALS Family
ISO
Africa (+ Eurasia)
Afro-Asiatic
ARB
Eurasia
Afro-Asiatic
HEB
Indo-European
BEN, CES, DAN, DEU, ELL, ENG, FAS, FRA, HIN, HRV, ITA, NLD, NOR, POL, POR, RON, RUS, SPA, SWE, UKR
Uralic
FIN, HUN
Turkic
TUR, KIR
Sino-Tibetan
ZHO
Appendix
Table 3: Classification of the 33 analysed languages by macro-area and family, as defined in WALS ( Dryer and Haspelmath, 2013 ).
Figure 5: Surprisal contours for the first three paragraphs of a BloomVIST story (ID: dd0b0ef6-3889-47c7-b5ca-93e18e76aba8) across all four experimental conditions. Dashed vertical lines denote paragraph boundaries.
Lang
UID v ( U )
UID v ( P )
UID lv ( U )
UID lv ( P )
Δv (%) ( d )
Δlv (%) ( d )
arb
8.92
8.79
21.50
21.87
-1.44 * (-0.02)
1.75 *** (0.02)
ces
18.48
11.89
39.96
25.64
-35.67 *** (-0.72)
-35.83 *** (-0.54)
dan
22.81
14.61
45.06
29.19
-35.93 *** (-0.93)
-35.22 *** (-0.64)
deu
17.55
10.51
40.13
22.80
-40.09 *** (-0.95)
-43.18 *** (-0.87)
ell
16.30
10.13
29.88
20.42
-37.89 *** (-0.79)
-31.66 *** (-0.53)
eng
18.25
15.57
32.14
25.83
-14.70 *** (-0.35)
-19.63 *** (-0.31)
Appendix
Table 4: UID values of Ground-XM3600 across languages under U and P conditions. The Δ columns report the relative change in UID from U to P , computed as \frac{(\text{{\color[rgb]{0.4688,0.3672,0.9414}P}{}}-\text{{\color[rgb]{0.9961,0.3789,0}U}{}})}{\text{{\color[rgb]{0.9961,0.3789,0}U}{}}} and Cohen’s d effect size in parentheses. Bold values mark languages where UID is higher under P , indicating lower uniformity in textual information when grounded in perception. Statistical significance is based on paired Wilcoxon signed-rank tests across sentences, with Benjamini–Hochberg FDR correction across languages. Significance thresholds: ∗ q<0.05 , ∗∗ q<0.01 , ∗∗∗ q<0.001 , n.s. (not significant).
Lang
Global CV
Local CV
U
P
Δ%
U
P
Δ%
arb
0.52
0.75
43.45∗∗∗
0.73
1.05
45.16∗∗∗
ces
0.72
0.89
23.68∗∗∗
0.91
1.13
24.53∗∗∗
dan
0.80
0.98
22.49∗∗∗
1.00
1.23
23.38∗∗∗
deu
0.71
0.86
21.73∗∗∗
1.00
1.19
18.50∗∗∗
ell
0.71
0.81
12.91∗∗∗
0.87
1.03
18.64∗∗∗
Appendix
Table 5: Mean Global CV (Coefficient of Variation) and Local CV across languages and conditions for captions in GROUND-XM3600 .
Table 6: Mean Global CV across languages and conditions for paragraph in BLOOM-Vist .
Figure 6: Average change in variance contribution ( ΔCPOS ) by POS across languages for UID reduction failure cases in Ground-XM3600 . Rows are ordered, from top to bottom, by descending cross-linguistic mean. Intuitively, red cells denote an increased divergence from the sequence mean under visual grounding ( P ) relative to text-only ( U ) conditions.
Figure 7: Cross-linguistic dynamics of UID reduction failure across 30 languages in Ground-XM3600 . The bar charts represent the average change in variance contribution ( ΔCPOS ) per Part-of-Speech in sentences where visual grounding increases global variance ( \text{UID}_{v}(\text{{\color[rgb]{0.4688,0.3672,0.9414}P} })>\text{UID}_{v}(\text{{\color[rgb]{0.9961,0.3789,0}U} }) ) (see also Figure 6 ). Line plots illustrate the percentage of words per POS category exhibiting surprisal increases (red circles) versus decreases (blue squares).
Table 7: Fixed-effect slope estimates over relative position for mean surprisal , from mixed-effects models (with random effects by story), computed separately per language and discourse unit (sentence, paragraph). Slopes reflect condition-specific trajectories via interaction terms, with U as the baseline. Chinese was excluded from sentence-level analysis due to insufficient longer sentences for reliable estimation. Significance thresholds: ∗ p<0.05 , ∗∗ p<0.01 , ∗∗∗ p<0.001 , n.s. (not significant).
Table 8: Fixed-effect slope estimates over relative position for UIDv , from mixed-effects models (with random effects by story), computed separately per language and discourse unit (sentence, paragraph). Slopes reflect condition-specific trajectories via interaction terms, with U as the baseline. Chinese was excluded from sentence-level analysis due to insufficient longer sentences for reliable estimation. Significance thresholds: ∗ p<0.05 , ∗∗ p<0.01 , ∗∗∗ p<0.001 , n.s. (not significant).
Table 9: Mean surprisal difference across sentence boundaries ( Δw ) for window sizes w=1,2,3 , reported per language. For each sentence transition, we subtract the average surprisal of the final w words of the preceding sentence from that of the first w words of the following one. More negative values indicate sharper surprisal spikes at sentence onsets, reflecting stronger deviations from uniform information flow across sentence boundaries.
Table 10: Mean surprisal difference across paragraph boundaries ( Δw ) for window sizes w=1,2,3 , reported per language. For each transition, we subtract the average surprisal of the final w words of a paragraph from that of the first w words of the following one. More negative values indicate larger spikes in surprisal at paragraph onsets, reflecting greater non-uniformity in information flow across discourse boundaries.
Previous work examining the Uniform Information Density (UID) hypothesis has shown that while information as measured by surprisal metrics is distributed more or less evenly across documents overall, local discrepancies can arise due to functional pressures corresponding to syntactic and discourse structural constraints. However, work thus far has largely disregarded the relative salience of discourse participants. We fill this gap by studying how overall salience of entities in discourse relates to surprisal using 70K manually annotated mentions across 16 genres of English and a novel minimal-pair prompting method. Our results show that globally salient entities exhibit significantly higher surprisal than non-salient ones, even controlling for position, length, and nesting confounds. Moreover, salient entities systematically reduce surprisal for surrounding content when used as prompts, enhancing document-level predictability. This effect varies by genre, appearing strongest in topic-coherent texts and weakest in conversational contexts. Our findings refine the UID competing pressures framework by identifying global entity salience as a mechanism shaping information distribution in discourse.
To enable large language models to generate outputs that align with human preferences, optimization algorithms based on the comparison between chosen and rejected output pairs have been developed and been proven effective. Some recent endeavors have utilized certain linguistically-derived assumptions about the preference pairs to guide the design of more precise optimization directions. However, human preferences are complex and hard to measure by simplistic criteria, and it is important to incorporate broader and more sophisticated insights about preferred vs. not-preferred language. In this study, we adopt a well-established psycholinguistic theory, Uniform Information Density, to develop a novel preference optimization algorithm, UIDPO. The basic assumption is that humans prefer to produce language in which information is uniformly distributed, because uniformity induces less cognitive processing effort. To implement this idea into the algorithm, we derive a compound metric for information uniformity by combining the global standard deviation and the local second-order difference, and integrate it to the objective of preference optimization. We compare UIDPO with SimPO, a previous state-of-the-art method, obtaining comparable and sometimes better performance on AlpacaEval2, ArenaHard, and MT-Bench. Additional linguistic analysis on complement clauses also shows that UIDPO can better reflect the tendencies of keeping information uniform in natural language than baselines. Our results show that the subtle human preference over the information rate in language is a helpful source for achieving better human alignment for LLMs. The code repository is published here: https://github.com/CLCS-SUSTech/UIDPO.
Yongyuan Li, Yang Xu
Department of Computer Science and Engineering Southern University of Science and Technology Shenzhen, Guangdong, China
Although language is predominantly spoken, empirical tests of surprisal theory rely almost entirely on written text. In practice, surprisal is estimated using language models (LMs) trained on text and applied to transcriptions, creating a text bottleneck that limits evaluation of the theory in the spoken modality. We remove this bottleneck by estimating surprisal directly from the speech signal using a speech LM. This raises a key question: should surprisal be defined over realization-specific acoustic inputs or over abstract linguistic units? Since a single unit can have many distinct acoustic realizations, each assigned a different probability by the model, defining surprisal over abstract units is difficult. To address this, we introduce an importance sampling estimator that approximates the probability of an abstract unit by marginalizing over realizations generated by a text-to-speech model. Using pupillometry data from a listening study, we evaluate surprisal theory in this text-free setting at multiple levels of granularity. Obtaining surprisal from several speech LMs, we consistently find that surprisal estimated via importance sampling better predicts pupil dilation than realization-specific surprisal for words. We also find that surprisal values for sub-lexical units are predictive of pupil dilation. While we find that surprisal can be estimated without recourse to text, and that marginalizing over distinct realizations of words is more predictive of lexical processing effort, surprisal as a whole is not a strong predictor of change in pupil size, regardless of its source.
Zachary Hopton, Samuel Kiegeland, Francesco Ignazio Re +4