Gender bias in large language models has primarily been investigated for English, while languages with grammatical or morphological gender remain comparatively understudied. This paper investigates how and when gender information emerges in a Dutch BERT model trained from scratch, offering one of the first checkpoint-level analyses of bias formation in a Transformer architecture for a language combining overt morphological gender marking and generic forms. By extracting contextual embeddings throughout training, we construct dynamic gender subspaces using linear SVMs to trace when gender becomes linearly encoded and how this encoding evolves over time. Contextual embeddings are often assumed to integrate contextual cues robustly, allowing models to adjust the representation of a word depending on its more local usage. We therefore test whether explicit gender cues in controlled sentence templates (e.g., Zij is een loodgieter ('She is a plumber')) can override learned statistical associations (plumber -> male). Our findings challenge this assumption: although gender becomes clearly linearly separable around epoch 20 and is distributed across multiple embedding dimensions, the model struggles to update its internal gender representation in light of explicit contextual cues in short sentence templates. Stereotypical gender-profession pairings are predicted far more accurately than anti-stereotypical ones, and generic forms in Dutch systematically default to a male interpretation, even when the context explicitly denotes a female referent. Together, our results seem to indicate that contextualization in the representations learned by our Dutch BERT model is not sufficiently dynamic along the probed gender direction: explicit gender cues in anti-stereotypical contexts are not reliably reflected in the resulting representations, resulting in persistent male-default behaviour.
Third-person singular pronouns have long been used to study stereotypical biases in language models and to test their abilities to reason about reference. More recently, the interplay between reasoning and bias has been investigated with the task of pronoun fidelity, which assesses models' abilities to correctly reuse a previously-specified pronoun for a discourse entity, independent of other potentially distracting discourse entities mentioned in between. However, such research focuses on English, which is a language with limited grammatical gender and almost no gender agreement. In this paper we contribute a novel, large-scale dataset, GRUFF, to measure pronoun fidelity in German, covering four different gender agreement systems in nouns, and four sets of pronouns. With this dataset, we show that LLMs show strong grammatical agreement for masculine and feminine entities in the absence of explicit context, but not for neopronouns xier and en. Models are generally not robust to distractors, but encoder-only models are more robust in German than in English, reflecting the importance of grammatical gender. Finally, we show that occupational stereotypes in this context are poorly correlated across grammatical cases, and across most models, except ones with closely related architectures. We release all code and data to encourage further work on gender-inclusive language and referential reasoning in German.
Instruct-based large language models (LLMs) have been shown to propagate and even amplify gender bias when prompted with contextually constrained instructions (e.g., writing a text from a description or selecting a gendered pronoun). However, little attention has been paid to biases in responses to contextually unconstrained (generic) instructions conveyed by gendered language, particularly masculine generics (MG). MG, found in many gender-marked languages, denote the use of the masculine gender as a supposedly neutral reference to mixed-gender groups or individuals whose gender is unknown or non-binary. Yet, psycholinguistic studies demonstrate that MG are not neutral and systematically induce gender bias. This study investigates how both local and proprietary LLMs are MG-biased when responding to generic prompts in French, examining LLMs' MG bias rates and use of gender-fair language (GFL). We create a 16k+ human noun database from existing lexical resources and evaluate six LLMs on four instruction-response datasets under two conditions: prompts with and without MG. Overall, we find that ≈27.57% of LLMs' responses to MG-filtered generic instructions are MG-biased (≈78.55% with MG-containing prompts). Moreover, we find that LLMs rarely use GFL spontaneously. These findings highlight the persistence of MG bias in LLM outputs and models' limited tendency towards GFL strategies.
We audit six large language models (LLMs) for gender stereotyping across English, Korean, Chinese, and Japanese. Three were developed primarily for English-language use (Claude, GPT, Gemini) and three for East Asian use (DeepSeek, Syn-Pro, HyperCLOVA X). We adopt the HEXACO-100 personality inventory and anchor each model against a cross-cultural human dataset spanning 48 countries to ask not whether LLMs are biased, but how far their gender attributions drift from the populations they are deployed among. Our findings show that their stereotyping spans a range roughly 2.5 times wider than the entire cross-country range found in humans, and the effect can compound across languages. One English-centric model, prompted in Korean, reached 5 times the local baseline, even when the prompt stated the candidate had already been hired, which often dampens human stereotyping. To characterize such behaviors without ranking them, we introduce a four-pattern framework -- concordance, suppression, reorganization, and amplification -- across 24 (model x language) cells. Item-level analysis reveals that translation does not just rescale stereotypes, but changes the attributes tied to it, hiding significant rearrangement under the surface while appearing well-calibrated. Our results ultimately suggest that no single debiasing pipeline is likely to address bias evenly across linguistic boundaries.