A Scalable Tool for Measuring Manner and Result Verbs in Developmental Language Research
Authors: Divyesh Pratap Singh, Dakshesh Gusain, Federica Bulgarelli, Alison Eisel Hendricks, John Beavers, Nathan M. Beers, Ifeoma Nwogu
Organizations: University at Buffalo · Nanyang Technological University · The University of Texas at Austin
Abstract
Manner and result verbs encode different aspects of event structure and have been discussed in developmental work as a potentially informative distinction for studying early verb learning. However, this distinction remains difficult to measure at scale because large annotated resources for manner and result classification are not currently available. We present a computational approach for identifying manner and result verbs in sentence context. Using linguistically informed prompts, we generate sentence-level annotations with large language models over data drawn from MASC and InterCorp, extending coverage from previously annotated portions of VerbNet to 436 classes. We then train a RoBERTa-based classifier on these annotations and evaluate it on three held-out gold-standard datasets, including previously annotated items and a new expert-annotated set. Across these evaluations, the model shows promising performance, with average accuracy up to 89.6%. We present this work as a scalable measurement tool that can support future research on verb semantics in developmental and other language datasets, while noting that further validation is needed for borderline cases, mixed manner/result verbs, and downstream developmental applications.
Frequent verbs such as 'have' and 'make' can function either as collocates in light-verb constructions or as full lexical predicates, as in 'make a decision' vs. 'make a cake'. Whether language models represent this distinction, and whether such representations vary across languages, remains unclear. We introduce a large-scale controlled dataset in English, Spanish, and French, comprising minimally varying sentence series in which the same context contains the same verb in light-verb and full-verb uses. Two probing experiments show that language models differentiate between these uses even in minimal contexts and exhibit separable patterns across object types. We release the dataset, generation code, and materials as a reusable resource. The framework supports extensions to broader contexts, additional verbs, and other languages.
Francesca Franzon, Nicolas Rosàs Gómez, Leo Wanner
Is child-directed language (CDL) optimized to support language learning, and which aspects of linguistic development does it facilitate? We investigate this question using neural language models trained on CDL versus adult-directed language (ADL). We selectively remove syntactic or lexical co-occurrence information from the model training data, and evaluate the impact of these manipulations on verb meaning acquisition. While disrupting syntax impairs learning across all datasets, models trained on CDL and spoken ADL show significantly higher resilience than those trained on written input. Tracking semantic and syntactic performance over training, we observe a semantic-first trajectory, with verb meanings emerging prior to robust syntactic proficiency, an asynchrony most pronounced in the spoken domain, especially CDL. These results suggest that the advantage for verb learning previously attributed to CDL may instead reflect broader properties of the spoken register, rather than a uniquely CDL-specific optimization.
Acquiring telicity, which is the distinction between bounded (e.g., ate an apple) and unbounded (e.g., ate apples) events, requires first language (L1) learners to map surface-level and semantic cues to abstract event structures, but the computational trajectory of this mapping is not well understood. We introduce a Difference in Surprisal method that uses GPT2 token surprisal over paired temporal adverbial diagnostics (in an hour versus for an hour) to automatically label telicity across English CHILDES corpora, validated against expert linguist judgments. Using these labels, we train diagnostic logistic regression classifiers on 12 syntactic and lexical semantic features to compare how child speech and child-directed speech encode telicity. The two models diverge: the child model reaches near perfect accuracy through a single deterministic cue, the presence of a post-verbal determiner, while the adult model relies more heavily on verb class and other lexical semantic features, with the determiner cue neutralized. This trajectory supports Syntactic Bootstrapping: learners first exploit high-frequency structural cues as a scaffold to bootstrap, before developing fully compositional, verb-based event structures.