Word surprisal is a well-established computational predictor of human neural responses during language comprehension, but it remains less clear whether local semantic fit explains neural response variation beyond lexical expectation during naturalistic reading. Using the Dublin EEG-based Reading Experiment Corpus (DERCo), this study examined whether contextual semantic relevance predicts word-locked EEG activity in the N400 and P600 windows. Contextual semantic relevance was computed as an attention-aware measure of how strongly a target word is semantically connected to its recent discourse context, and it was compared with GPT-based word surprisal. Across 22 participants and 32 EEG channels, we tested both predictors using regression-based ERP analyses and generalized additive mixed models while controlling for lexical variables and repeated observations. Both predictors were reliably associated with EEG responses, but they showed partly different temporal and scalp-level patterns. Surprisal captured expectancy-related variation, whereas contextual semantic relevance showed robust effects across N400- and P600-window mean voltages, with particularly strong explanatory support in the P600 window. Model comparisons indicated that contextual semantic relevance contributed explanatory value beyond lexical controls and surprisal. These findings suggest that naturalistic reading depends on both lexical expectation and local semantic integration, and that contextual semantic relevance offers an interpretable computational link between discourse semantic fit and ERP dynamics.
Naturalistic language comprehension requires listeners to process both local probabilistic expectations and contextual semantic relations. This study tested whether contextual semantic relevance, measuring how strongly a target word relates to its recent semantic context, is associated with fMRI BOLD responses independently of word surprisal and lexical, timing, acoustic, and prosodic controls. We analyzed two public datasets: Alice (23 participants, one narrative) and Narratives (47 participants, 185 runs, four stories) using FIR/deconvolution and generalized additive mixed models. In Alice, semantic relevance was significant across all ROIs in FIR analyses, whereas surprisal was not. In GAMMs, both predictors showed broad significance. In Narratives, both predictors showed comparable spatial prevalence across ROIs. Semantic relevance showed robust BOLD associations across both datasets, with a particularly strong advantage over surprisal in the timing-sensitive Alice FIR analysis. The regionally heterogeneous direction of semantic relevance effects, with negative effects in posterior semantic regions and positive effects in frontal integration regions, suggests involvement of functionally distinct neural processes rather than a single uniform mechanism. These findings indicate that contextual semantic fit and local probabilistic expectation make partially distinct, dataset-dependent contributions to hemodynamic responses during naturalistic listening.
Language models (LMs) are trained to excel at predicting the next word in the sequence given prior context, and humans also share this predictability in reading comprehension. Neuroscience research reveals that next-word predictability influences brain response, as recorded at millisecond resolution using electroencephalography (EEG). While our evidence indicates that advanced LMs achieve accuracies closely aligned with human performance at the next-word prediction task, this raises the question: Does higher prediction accuracy necessarily mean that these models adequately capture the cognitive signals associated with human reading comprehension? Here, we generate regressors for both humans and LMs based on two information measures, including top-1 prediction and surprisal, to predict event-related potential (ERP) elicited from EEG recordings which reflect different stages of cognitive processing during reading. We argue that modelling ERP patterns offers fine-grained analysis of the cognitive plausibility of various LMs during reading. Our results indicate that only surprisal potentially correlates with language-processing ERPs, especially for open-class words with high semantic content. Moreover, our findings challenge the assumption that scaling LMs with increased parameters and computational budgets will consistently lead to improved convergence with human-like linguistic processing.
Humans invented reading and have passed down this complex skill across generations through language. This study provides empirical evidence of the neural mechanisms underlying bottom-up (related to high-order linguistic structure) and top-down (related to next-word predictability) processes, which interact to guide comprehension during reading. While previous studies have focused on either the N400 effects of predictability or lexical categories, research on how predictability influences N400 responses across different lexical categories is limited, mainly due to constraints in publicly available datasets. Here, we examine how predictability influences brain responses, recorded at millisecond resolution using electroencephalography (EEG), with a focus on the N400 time window (300-500 ms post-stimulus) across different lexical and grammatical categories. Our results indicate that significant differences in N400 responses between high and low cloze probability levels were more pronounced for content words than function words. Among the two primary content categories, verbs exhibited greater N400 differences than nouns, while nouns carried more distinct information about their predictability than verbs. Moreover, we demonstrate that the decoding technique is more effective than the event-related potential (ERP) traditional analysis in capturing more detailed and distinct representations of cognitive processes over time.