Lexically conditioned realization ambiguity in Korean predicate morphology

The design of Korean constituency treebanks raises a central representational question concerning the choice of terminal units. Although Korean words are morphologically complex, treating morphemes as constituency terminals can obscure the distinction between word-internal morphology and phrase-level syntactic structure, and can create mismatches with eojeol-based dependency resources. This paper argues for an eojeol-based constituency representation, with morphological segmentation and fine-grained POS information encoded in a separate, non-constituent layer. A comparative analysis shows that, under explicit normalization assumptions, the Sejong, Penn Korean, and KAIST treebanks can be compared over a shared eojeol-based constituency backbone. Building on this result, we outline an eojeol-based annotation scheme that preserves interpretable constituency, supports cross-treebank comparison and constituency-dependency alignment, and provides a surface-form terminal layer for future end-to-end Korean constituency parsing.

Korean constituency parsing raises a representational challenge because the terminal units of a phrase-structure tree do not straightforwardly correspond to simple surface words. Korean eojeols are morphologically complex spacing units, and existing constituency resources differ in how they represent eojeol-internal morphology and non-overt elements. This paper compares three constituency parsing representations derived from the Penn Korean Treebank: Morpheme+XPOS, Eojeol+XPOS, and Eojeol+UPOS. We construct these representations by removing null elements, aligning Penn Korean phrase structure with overt eojeol tokens, preserving Penn Korean phrase labels where possible, and varying the terminal and preterminal layers. We then evaluate canonical non-binary transition-based constituency parsers in top-down, in-order, and bottom-up orders under a shared modeling and evaluation setup. All experiments use gold terminal segmentation and gold preterminal labels and therefore evaluate constituency parsing conditioned on gold morphosyntactic annotation. Eojeol terminals yield shorter transition sequences, but Eojeol+UPOS parsing substantially underperforms the morphologically richer conditions. Eojeol+XPOS narrows this gap, while Morpheme+XPOS gives the strongest results even after its predictions are projected to the eojeol terminal domain. Under these gold-annotation conditions, the results show that fine-grained morphological and XPOS representations provide valuable evidence for the evaluated parsers. This empirical finding concerns the information available for parsing and does not by itself determine the linguistically preferable terminal domain. Independently, linguistic and resource-design considerations motivate eojeol as a stable and interpretable surface domain for phrase-structure annotation, with morpheme-level and XPOS information retained as aligned morphosyntactic evidence.

The Korean adnominal ending ETM occurs in diverse noun-modifying constructions, including relative-clause-like modifiers, adjectival and copular forms, bound-noun constructions, and lexicalized expressions. This paper argues that ETM is not a direct marker of relative-clause structure, but a morphological exponent shared by several adnominal constructions. We propose a corpus-based typology that distinguishes these constructions using predicate type, auxiliary structure, argument-structural compatibility, head-noun restriction, and lexicalized patterns. We operationalize the typology as a construction-sensitive annotation layer for the KLUE dependency treebank, implemented through an ordered rule-based procedure and evaluated by manual validation. Productive relative-clause-like uses account for 39.4% of the analyzed instances; the remainder consists mainly of adjectival, copular, bound-nominal, modal, temporal, and collocational constructions. The findings show that Korean relative-clause-like modification cannot be identified from adnominal morphology alone.