Revisiting the Estimation of Unigram Surprisal in Computational Psycholinguistics

Although language is predominantly spoken, empirical tests of surprisal theory rely almost entirely on written text. In practice, surprisal is estimated using language models (LMs) trained on text and applied to transcriptions, creating a text bottleneck that limits evaluation of the theory in the spoken modality. We remove this bottleneck by estimating surprisal directly from the speech signal using a speech LM. This raises a key question: should surprisal be defined over realization-specific acoustic inputs or over abstract linguistic units? Since a single unit can have many distinct acoustic realizations, each assigned a different probability by the model, defining surprisal over abstract units is difficult. To address this, we introduce an importance sampling estimator that approximates the probability of an abstract unit by marginalizing over realizations generated by a text-to-speech model. Using pupillometry data from a listening study, we evaluate surprisal theory in this text-free setting at multiple levels of granularity. Obtaining surprisal from several speech LMs, we consistently find that surprisal estimated via importance sampling better predicts pupil dilation than realization-specific surprisal for words. We also find that surprisal values for sub-lexical units are predictive of pupil dilation. While we find that surprisal can be estimated without recourse to text, and that marginalizing over distinct realizations of words is more predictive of lexical processing effort, surprisal as a whole is not a strong predictor of change in pupil size, regardless of its source.

This study analyzes the predictive power of LM-derived, token-level surprisal on Mandarin Chinese reading times. We first propose the Shortest Matching Sequence (SMS), an alignment scheme that maps between the word segmentation assumed by eye-tracking corpora and the LMs' subword tokenization, as the two tokenizations often disagree in the context of Mandarin Chinese. Then, using a suite of Chinese-Pythia models (14M-1.4B) trained on scratch with 30B tokens, we examine how well surprisal predicts first fixation duration, gaze duration, and total reading time in three paragraph-level eye-tracking corpora of Mandarin Chinese (GECO-CN, HKP, and MECO). Contrary to previous null findings, our results show that surprisal is predictive of Chinese reading times. However, whether predictive power scales with model size and the amount of training is corpus-specific: bigger models predict better in GECO-CN, whereas inverse scaling emerges in HKP and, at the largest sizes, in MECO. Subsequently, we tested one possible explanation for the inverse scaling in HKP and found that checkpoints whose surprisal remains closer to $n$-gram statistics are better predictors of reading. All in all, the predictive power of surprisal on Chinese reading time measurements is corpus-specific, which cautions against drawing scaling conclusions from a single corpus.

Surprisal, the negative log-probability a language model assigns to a word given its preceding context, reliably predicts adult reading times. Does it contribute as much to explaining when children acquire individual words? Frequency reflects a learner's cumulative exposure to a word, whereas surprisal reflects how predictable a single occurrence is given its context. We investigate this question across two corpus-based studies of Spanish. In Study 1, we modeled age of acquisition (AoA) for 225 Spanish nouns using lexical frequency and contextual diversity from child-directed speech, plus surprisal from three language models differing in architecture and training language (BETO, BERTIN, mGPT). Frequency strongly predicted AoA (r=-.597, p<.001); surprisal added little beyond frequency and word length, including in a naturalistic-context analysis. In Study 2, we modeled adult fixation durations in the Chilean Spanish subsample of the Multilingual Eye-movement Corpus (MECO Wave 2), using mGPT surprisal alongside two independent frequency measures. Surprisal robustly predicted longer fixation durations after controlling for frequency and word length, consistent across both frequency sources. A matched word-type-level comparison showed the surprisal-behavior association was stronger in reading than in acquisition (z=3.63, p<.001). The findings suggest cumulative lexical exposure and contextual predictability play different roles across the language trajectory: frequency is particularly informative about when early lexical representations are acquired, whereas surprisal captures moment-to-moment processing difficulty in an already-established linguistic system. We discuss this pattern in relation to usage-based and entrenchment-based accounts of lexical development and to the evaluation of language models as models of human language behavior.