The Geometry of Language Model Logits: Generic Structure and Learned Departures

Large language models learn similar behaviours, yet it remains unclear what structure they share or how to change one behaviour without disturbing others. The Fisher-Rao geometry of next-token probabilities connects these questions: behaviour determines this geometry up to output-preserving symmetries, whereas activation geometry depends on coordinates. Across transformer, state-space and recurrent models, output geometries agree more strongly than activation geometries, and shared geometry supports semantic-category transfer. Agreement with human word choices increases with predictive accuracy, scale and training, and improves further after model-only calibration. Token probabilities and read-out geometry jointly predict the spectrum and its effective dimension. Controlled language assignments show that geometry follows the language law across architectures. Pretraining corpus statistics predict held-out fact acquisition without recalibration, while randomised experiments show that deeper evidence substantially delays acquisition across every tested architecture and evidence construction. Finally, the geometry prescribes minimum-disturbance local interventions, predicts their relative cost, and supports reusable control: updates learned on donor prompts transfer to unseen prompts while better preserving behaviour on reference prompts than Euclidean control. The same geometric correction improves steering, editing, attribution, dictionary learning and fine-tuning.

In language models, what a representation encodes is determined by the geometry of its representation space: distances, not activations, carry meaning. Existing tools characterize the shape of this geometry but do not ask what that shape is organized for. We introduce Subspace PGA, a metric that tests whether a layer's distance structure aligns with the readout subspace of the unembedding matrix $W_U$ more than with random subspaces of equal size. Across seven Pythia models (70M--6.9B) and three cross-family models, intermediate geometry is significantly organized for prediction (peak $z = 9$--$24$), but the degree is scale-dependent: small models ($d \leq 1024$) progressively lose it at late layers during training -- even as loss keeps improving -- while large models ($d \geq 2048$) preserve it throughout. We trace this to a capacity trade-off: a few dominant directions migrate away from $W_U$'s readout, masking rather than destroying the predictive structure beneath, and removing them restores alignment. Neither spectral metrics nor loss curves capture this distinction. Scale thus determines not only how well a model predicts, but how its representation geometry is organized to do so.

Why do some languages like Czech permit free word order, while others like English do not? We address this question by pretraining transformer language models on a spectrum of synthetic word-order variants of natural languages. We observe that greater word-order irregularity consistently raises model surprisal, indicating reduced learnability. Sentence reversal, however, affects learnability only weakly. A coarse distinction of free- (e.g., Czech and Finnish) and fixed-word-order languages (e.g., English and French) does not explain cross-lingual variation. Instead, the structure of the word and subword vocabulary strongly predicts the model surprisal. Overall, vocabulary structure emerges as a key driver of computational word-order learnability across languages.