Recent work has shown that language models (LMs) trained on synthetic corpora can exhibit typological preferences that resemble cross-linguistic regularities in human languages, particularly for syntactic phenomena such as word order. In this paper, we extend this paradigm to differential argument marking (DAM), a semantic licensing system in which morphological marking depends on semantic prominence. Using a controlled synthetic learning method, we train GPT-2 models on 18 corpora implementing distinct DAM systems and evaluate their generalization using minimal pairs. Our results reveal a dissociation between two typological dimensions of DAM. Models reliably exhibit human-like preferences for natural markedness direction, favoring systems in which overt marking targets semantically atypical arguments. In contrast, models do not reproduce the strong object preference in human languages, in which overt marking in DAM more often targets objects rather than subjects. These findings suggest that different typological tendencies may arise from distinct underlying sources.
Figures & tables
Figure 1: Overview of the DAM rule injection and the overall results for markedness and argument preference averaged over all DAM rule mastery accuracies.
Local: Hebrew (definiteness-based)
Global: Malimasa (animacy-based)
(1)
dani pagaš et ha-student.
(2)
\textipa th \textturnm 33 n \textturnm 21 \textipa N \textscripta 33 g \textipa 7 45 xi 45 ga 21 .
Dani meet. 3.sg.m acc the-student
3 sg - agt 1 sg - pat deceive
‘Dani met the student.’
‘He deceived me.’
(3)
dani pagaš student.
(4)
\textipa N \textscripta 33 tha 33 \textipa l \textschwa 33 \textipa lo 21 .
Dani meet. 3.sg.m student
1 sg book read
‘Dani met a student.’
‘I read the book.’
Table 1: Illustrative examples of differential argument marking in human languages.
Table 2: Representative examples of DAM rule injection. See Section 3 for formal definitions of each rule.
Rule
Trigger
Dependency
Direction
Target
SVO%
ALL%
Baseline
—
—
—
—
0.00
0.00
Full
—
—
—
A+P
100.00
4.91
L-P-Ani
Animacy
Local
Natural
P
10.61
0.52
L-P-Ani-inv
Animacy
Local
Inverse
P
89.39
4.39
L-P-Def
Definiteness
Local
Natural
P
30.65
1.50
L-P-Def-inv
Definiteness
Local
Inverse
P
69.35
3.41
Table 3: Overview of experimental conditions and the proportion of sentences perturbed by each injected rule. SVO% indicates the proportion of SVO clauses in the corpus that license overt marking under each rule, and ALL% indicates the proportion of all sentences in the training corpus that are affected by the corresponding rule. (Abbreviations: L=Local, G=Global, P=Object-targeting, A=Subject-targeting, Ani=Animacy, Def=Definiteness, Pro=Pronominality, inv=inverse.)
Figure 2: Rule mastery accuracy over training steps for DAM rules.
Figure 3: Rule mastery accuracy of the best checkpoint across DAM conditions. We select models based on best validation perplexity.
Figure 4: Scatter plot of the perturbation ratio in the training corpus (ALL%) versus best rule mastery accuracy across DAM rules. The dashed line shows the linear regression fit.
Figure 5: Marker placement accuracy of the best checkpoint across DAM conditions. We select models based on best validation perplexity.
Appendix figures & tables7 assets
Supplementary material from the paper’s appendix.
Appendix
Animacy pairs
Definiteness pairs
Pronominality pairs
Pair
Count
Pair
Count
Pair
Count
animate–inanimate
858,545
definite–indefinite
669,965
pronoun–common
701,852
animate–animate
103,571
definite–definite
288,003
common–common
205,098
inanimate–inanimate
62,858
indefinite–indefinite
44,862
pronoun–pronoun
98,329
inanimate–animate
5,783
indefinite–definite
27,927
common–pronoun
25,478
Appendix
Table 4: Distribution of subject–object pairings for three semantic triggers.
Animacy
Definiteness
Pronominality
Category
Subject
Object
Category
Subject
Object
Category
Subject
Object
animate
962,116
109,354
definite
957,968
315,930
pronoun
906,950
230,576
inanimate
68,641
921,403
indefinite
72,789
714,827
common
123,807
800,181
Appendix
Table 5: Marginal distributions for subjects and objects across the three semantic triggers.
Rule
Set
N
Correct
Accuracy
L-P-Def
affected
50
47
94.00%
L-P-Def
unaffected
50
49
98.00%
L-A-Pro-inv
affected
50
48
96.00%
L-A-Pro-inv
unaffected
50
50
100.00%
G-Ani
affected
50
49
98.00%
G-Ani
unaffected
50
50
100.00%
Appendix
Table 6: Results of human inspection for representative DAM rules and the Invalid set.
Hyperparameter
Value
Model
GPT-2-small
Context length
1024
Training steps
15k
Epochs
∼ 8.0--8.2 3 3 3 Models are trained for a fixed number of optimization steps. The effective number of epochs varies slightly across DAM rules due to differences in marker density.
Optimizer
AdamW
Learning rate
3×10−4
Appendix
Table 7: Training hyperparameters shared across all LM runs.
Figure 6: Semantic probing accuracy at the best training checkpoint across DAM conditions, evaluated separately for subject and object representations.
Figure 7: Full BLiMP evaluation results across all DAM rules and the baseline. Column abbreviations: A-Pass = Animate Subject Passive; A-Trans = Animate Subject Transitive; Det-N Agr. = Determiner–Noun Agreement; Exist. Quant. = Existential Quantifiers; Intr. = Intransitive; NPI = Negative Polarity Item Licensing; S–V Agr. = Subject–Verb Agreement; Trans. = Transitive.
Figure 8: BLiMP accuracies across eight sub-tasks. Boxplots show the distribution across DAM rules; black "×" markers denote the baseline model.
Some properties of languages, e.g., subject-object-verb (SOV) word order, are more prevalent than others among the thousands of attested natural languages (NLs). Such typological commonality is often attributed to learning biases. Computational simulations, recently with language models (LMs), have facilitated the exploration of this theory. In this paper, we extend existing analyses of the relationship between LMs' learning biases and typological commonality on both data and model sides, focusing on: (i) cross-serial dependencies, the upper limit of attested syntactic complexity, and (ii) stack-based LMs (SLMs), potentially facilitating learning of hierarchical patterns. We first evaluate generalization of SLMs on cross-serial dependencies across diverse artificial languages and confirm that they struggle with such constructions. However, SLMs with limited working memory generalize better suggesting a possible basis for such inductive bias and thus the typological commonality of some word order configurations.
Language models are frequently employed in settings where they are asked to make value judgments and choices. These observed choices often exhibit intransitivity: A model may prefer item A to B and B to C, while also preferring C to A. Existing work that models LLM preferences treats such inconsistencies as sampling noise around a single latent ordering. We instead propose that intransitivity reflects the aggregation of multiple latent, internally consistent orderings. We first show that observed inconsistencies cannot be explained by a single ordering under any monotone link function. We then introduce a noise-augmented mixture Bradley-Terry (MBT) model that infers latent preference components from repeated pairwise comparisons. Across seven models and four tasks, a mixture of orderings often explains structural inconsistencies better than single-utility models. We find that aggregate preferences often hide underlying preference heterogeneity. A case study on Moral Machine dilemmas shows that models which disagree on aggregate orderings can still share latent components. Together, these results suggest that LLMs reflect plural preferences. Alignment and evaluation pipelines that treat LLM preferences as a single function, therefore, risk averaging over coherent orderings that different users may endorse differently.
Aviral Chawla, William H. W. Thompson, Jean-Gabriel Young
Vermont Complex Systems Institute University of Vermont Burlington, Vermont 05403 · Vermont Complex Systems Institute Department of Statistics University of Vermont Burlington, Vermont 05403
A central question in language acquisition is whether linguistic biases can emerge from general learning mechanisms operating over underdetermined input. Artificial Language Learning (ALL) studies have shown that human learners reliably generalize beyond the evidence provided, including by preferring scope-homomorphic noun phrase modifier orders. In this work, we investigate whether language models exhibit the same bias under similar conditions. We create a controlled learning environment in which models are trained on a corpus where all noun phrases containing multiple modifiers have been removed, eliminating direct evidence about modifier ordering, and are then evaluated on multiple modifier sentences. Across three model sizes, we find that they consistently prefer scope-homomorphic orders despite never observing them during training. These preferences vary in strength by modifier type. To investigate the source of these preferences, we examine noun-modifier association strength using pointwise mutual information (PMI). While PMI reflects known modifier-ordering patterns, it does not explain the models' ordering preferences. These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
Amanda Popadich, Shane Steinert-Threlkeld
Department of Linguistics, University of Washington