Towards a theory of morphology-driven marking in the lexicon: The case of the state

The linguistic notion of state has traditionally been restricted to the construct (annexation) state of Afroasiatic languages and treated as a language-specific morphosyntactic phenomenon. This article argues instead that the state is a systemic, context-dependent morphosyntactic mechanism that selects grammatical templates across synthetic languages. Within the Template-Based Modular Cognitive framework, taking Riffian as its primary empirical basis, the proposed theory provides a unified explanation for diverse nominal marking patterns traditionally analysed independently and is formalised as a symbolic computational model in which the state is represented by a set-valued function over grammatical templates. A learning algorithm based on finite-set operations acquires and predicts state-dependent grammatical configurations. Beyond nominal morphology, the framework has broader implications for theories of nominal structure and lexical cognition, in particular offering a unified analysis of determiner-noun structure. These results suggest that the state constitutes one instance of a broader class of syntactically conditioned dependencies that also includes agreement and grammatical case.

This study investigates the diverse characteristics of nouns, focusing on both semantic (e.g., countable/uncountable) and morphosyntactic (e.g., masculine/feminine) distinctions. We explore inter-word variations for gender markers in noun morphology. Grammatical gender shift is a widespread phenomenon in languages around the world. The aim is to uncover the underlying patterns governing the variation of lexemes. To this end, we propose a new computational component dedicated to pairing items with morphological templates (e.g., the result of a generated item-template pair: (funas, $\{N, +SG, -PL, -M, +F, -COL, +SING\}$), with its spell-out form: $ð$a-funast 'cow'). This process is formally represented by the Template-Based and Modular Cognitive model. This proposed model, defined by a set-valued set function $h : \mathscr{P}(M) \rightarrow \mathscr{P}(M)$, predicts the nonlinear dynamic mapping of lexical items onto morphological templates. By applying this formalism, we present a unified framework for understanding the complexities of morphological markings across languages. Through empirical observations, we demonstrate how these shifts, as well as non-gender shifts, arise during lexical changes, especially in Riffian. Our model posits that these variant markings emerge due to template shifts occurring during word and meaning formation. This study achieves two primary objectives. First, on the formal side, we prove the model's representational completeness in learning and prediction. Second, on the linguistic side, we challenge and broaden the conventional view of word formation by formally demonstrating that conversion is applicable to noun-to-noun derivation. This data-driven mathematical model not only contributes to a deeper understanding of morphosyntactic variation but also offers potential applications in other fields requiring precise modelling of linguistic patterns.

Dungan, a Sinitic language of Central Asia written in a Cyrillic-based script, is described in detail in the grammatical literature, yet the quantitative properties of its morphology in actual usage have, to the best of our knowledge, never been measured systematically. This paper uses a finite-state morphological analyzer as a measuring instrument. Implemented with HFST and covering both dialect groups (the Gansu variety, which is the literary standard, and the Shaanxi variety), the model offers no new grammatical description; it formalises the knowledge accumulated in Dungan studies and makes it measurable on corpora of three genres. Three results follow. Overt inflection is rare and limited: only 9.3% of recognized tokens in the encyclopaedic register have an overt marker, the system has just ten categories, and degree marking is almost absent. Ambiguity is genuine but sharply localized: 78.1% of tokens receive a single analysis, and the residue sits almost entirely on two clitics, -di (genitive/progressive) and -ni (locative/prospective). And the grammatical core proves effectively closed, the claim the instrument is really needed for: between 78% and 95% of the tokens the analyzer fails on, depending on register, are simply absent from the lexicon, and the phenomena the model deliberately declines to implement account for at most 4.5% of those failures. Held-out coverage (80 to 85%) is no lower than development coverage (73%), while a stem list with no morphology already reaches 67.4%, so the morphology is worth 5.2 points. The open frontier of Dungan is lexical. The analyzer, its sources and every evaluation script are released openly.