We investigate whether neural models trained exclusively on modern morphological data can recover cross-lingual lexical structure consistent with historical reconstruction. Using BantuMorph v7, a transformer over Bantu morphological paradigms, we analyze 14 Eastern and Southern Bantu languages, extract encoder embeddings for their noun and verb lemmas, and identify 728 noun and 1,525 verb cognate candidates shared across 5+ languages. Evaluating these candidates against established historical resources-the Bantu Lexical Reconstructions database (BLR3; 4,786 reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms) and the ASJP basic vocabulary-we confirm 10 of the top 11 noun candidates (90.9%) align with previously reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms, including *-ntU 'person' (8 languages), *gombe 'cow' (9 languages), and *mUn (9 languages). Extending to verbs, 12 verb cognates align with reconstructed Proto-Bantu roots, including *-bon- 'see' and *-jIm- 'stand', each attested across wide geographic ranges. Cross-model validation using an independent translation model (NLLB-600M) confirms these patterns: both models recover cognate clusters and phylogenetic groupings consistent with established Guthrie-zone classifications (p < 0.01). Cross-lingual noun class analysis reveals that all 13 productive classes maintain >0.83 cosine similarity across languages (within-class > between-class, p < 10^-9). Our dataset is restricted to Eastern and Southern Bantu, so we interpret these results as recovering shared Bantu lexical structure consistent with Proto-Bantu rather than definitively distinguishing Proto-Bantu retentions from later regional innovations.
We present a method for discovering morphological features in low-resource Bantu languages by combining cross-lingual transfer learning with unsupervised clustering. Applied to Giriama (nyf), a language with only 91 labeled paradigms, our pipeline discovers noun class assignments for 2,455 words and identifies two previously undocumented morphological patterns: an a- prefix variant for Class 2 (vowel coalescence - the merger of two adjacent vowels - of wa-, 95.1% consistency) and a contracted k'- prefix (98.5% consistency). External validation on 444 known Giriama verb paradigms confirms 78.2% lemmatization accuracy, while a v3 corpus expansion to 19,624 words (9,014 unique lemmas) achieves 97.3% segmentation and 86.7% lemmatization rates across all major word classes. Our ensemble of transfer learning from Swahili and unsupervised clustering, combined via weighted voting, exploits complementary strengths: transfer excels at cognate detection (leveraging ~60% vocabulary overlap) while clustering discovers language-specific innovations invisible to transfer. We release all code and discovered lexicons to support morphological documentation for low-resource Bantu languages.
Text-to-speech models for Bantu tonal languages are challenged by a tonal system that is rooted in both the lexis (i.e., the inventory of words, stems, and affixes) and the grammar (i.e., morpho-syntax). To complicate matters, the standard writing systems of these languages often omit tone markings and syllable duration information, which must be disambiguated by the reader based on context. Motivated by linguistic descriptions of Bantu language tone systems, we propose an end-to-end text-to-speech model that augments the text encoding mechanism with a morpho-syntactic prior. We replace the standard phoneme encoder in the VITS architecture with a morpheme sequence encoder and a phoneme-to-morpheme attention network. We posit that, by using this explicit morphological modeling, we can capture the information required to produce the correct tone. Experiments conducted on the Kinyarwanda language, a tonal and morphologically complex Bantu language, reveal substantial TTS improvement from this morphological modeling. Specifically, the proposed method significantly improves the naturalness, intonation, and intelligibility of the produced synthetic voices.
Multilingual neural machine translation models such as NLLB-200 cover 200 languages but leave thousands unsupported, including most Grassfields Bantu languages of Cameroon. When fine-tuning these models for an unseen language, practitioners must choose a proxy language token, yet no principled method exists for this selection. We implemented an embedding initialization strategy where a language token is the average of embeddings from multiple typologically related languages already in the mod el. We evaluate this approach on Limbum-to-English translation using a parallel corpus of 8,837 sentence pairs from New Testament text and a bilingual dictionary. We compare models: NLLB-200 zero-shot (chrF2++ = 12.5), a Transformer trained from scratch (chrF2++ = 14.5), NLLB-200 fine-tuned with a Swahili proxy token (chrF2++ = 47.3), and NLLB-200 with our averaged embedding initialization (chrF2++ = 46.7). We find that the multi-language initialization achieves performance comparable to the best single-language proxy. Both NLLB-200 variants improve over the from-scratch baseline by over 32 chrF2++ points. These results show that multilingual transfer is the dominant factor in extremely low-resource Bantu translation while eliminating the need for heuristic proxy selection. However, all systems fail to preserve tonal diacritics, highlighting an open challenge. We make our dataset and code available to support further research.
Samiratu Ntohsi, Neza David Tuyishimire, Anesu Kafesu +3