Organizations: Georgetown University · The University of Texas at Austin · Leipzig University & ScaDS.AI Dresden/Leipzig
Abstract
Grasping the semantics of rare constructions (form-meaning pairings) has been shown to be a challenging problem that has currently only been solved by the largest LLMs. It remains an open question if open-source models have robust constructional understanding, and if so, what learning dynamics underlie the acquisition of this knowledge. Focusing on a set of rare Paired-Focus constructions in English (e.g. "let alone", "much less"), we construct a novel dataset to test their meanings using both scalar adjectival semantics and general world knowledge. Testing a wide range of models differing in parameter count, architecture, and pretraining dataset size, we find that several modestly sized models are sensitive to both the forms and the meanings of Paired-Focus constructions, though models trained on human-scale data fail at all meaning evaluations. Turning to training dynamics for a set of open-checkpoint models, we find that Paired-Focus understanding emerges later in training than Paired-Focus syntactic knowledge, and that learning of Paired-Focus semantics is correlated with gains in some domains of world knowledge. Overall, our empirical results support the conclusion that modestly sized open-source models can grasp the rare Paired-Focus constructions, and demonstrate a connection between knowledge of Paired-Focus constructions and other meaning domains.
Focus particles such as "even" and "only" are central to formal semantic theories that posit structured representations over sets of alternatives. "Even" highlights unexpected or extreme alternatives, while "only" enforces exclusivity. If such scalar representations are robust and generalizable, they should give rise to consistent judgments across contexts and systems. In this work, we test whether humans and large language models (LLMs) construct stable scalar representations from sentences containing these particles. Using a dataset of approximately 100 items, participants and models were asked to make scalar judgments. Preliminary results suggest that similar outputs across humans and LLMs may arise from different underlying mechanisms.
Frequent verbs such as 'have' and 'make' can function either as collocates in light-verb constructions or as full lexical predicates, as in 'make a decision' vs. 'make a cake'. Whether language models represent this distinction, and whether such representations vary across languages, remains unclear. We introduce a large-scale controlled dataset in English, Spanish, and French, comprising minimally varying sentence series in which the same context contains the same verb in light-verb and full-verb uses. Two probing experiments show that language models differentiate between these uses even in minimal contexts and exhibit separable patterns across object types. We release the dataset, generation code, and materials as a reusable resource. The framework supports extensions to broader contexts, additional verbs, and other languages.
Francesca Franzon, Nicolas Rosàs Gómez, Leo Wanner
How do learners acquire knowledge of what is unacceptable without negative evidence? Construction Grammar proposes statistical preemption: exposure to a conventional form (e.g., "donated the books to the library") preempts structurally possible but unattested alternatives ("*donated the library the books"). We present a computational study that, for the first time, directly dissociates statistical preemption from the competing entrenchment hypothesis in large language models within a single converging design. Across four experiments spanning 120 English verb-construction pairings (dative, causative, locative), we show that (1) LLM surprisal patterns correlate strongly with human acceptability judgments (r=0.79), validated against three independent behavioral datasets; (2) these patterns are driven by competing-form frequency rather than overall verb frequency, confirmed by non-circular partial correlations; (3) preemption sensitivity scales as a power law with model size; and (4) a controlled fine-tuning intervention causally demonstrates that manipulating competing-form frequencies shifts preemption behavior in the predicted direction, with reverse-direction controls ruling out frequency-sensitivity confounds. These results provide converging evidence that neural language models acquire negative linguistic knowledge through distributional competition, the core mechanism posited by Construction Grammar.