Distinct dynamics of conceptual and referential disruptions in human reading and large language model processing

Language models (LMs) are often used as a tool to model human language processing. Recent studies suggest that severely restricting LMs' context window improves their fit to human psycholinguistic data by simulating human working memory constraints. However, it is possible that this strict memory-decay approach overlooks humans' reliance on long-range structural representations, such as discourse structre. In this work, we systematically vary the context window size of GPT-2 across four large-scale naturalistic English reading-time datasets and observe a U-shaped relationship: Although restricted contexts (< 20 tokens) successfully capture local memory limitations, expanded contexts (500--1,000 tokens) ultimately yield the highest overall psycholinguistic fit. To investigate the mechanism driving this benefit, we conduct a counterfactual inference-time experiment that disrupts cross-sentential entity chains by pronominalizing repeated discourse entities. Obscuring these structural linkages significantly degrades the predictive power of larger context windows by 20% to 40%. Our experiments demonstrate that tracking long-range coreference relations is one important factor for the alignment between LM surprisal and human reading behavior, and approximate the extent to which human comprehenders use global discourse relations during language processing.

A recent study (Kuribayashi et al., 2025) has shown that human sentence processing behavior, typically measured on syntactically unchallenging constructions, can be effectively modeled using surprisal from early layers of large language models (LLMs). This raises the question of whether such advantages of internal layers extend to more syntactically challenging constructions, where surprisal has been reported to underestimate human cognitive effort. In this paper, we begin by exploring internal layers that better estimate human cognitive effort observed in syntactic ambiguity processing in English. Our experiments show that, in contrast to naturalistic reading, later layers better estimate such a cognitive effort, but still underestimate the human data. This dual alignment sheds light on different modes of sentence processing in humans and LMs: naturalistic reading employs a somewhat weak prediction akin to earlier layers of LMs, while syntactically challenging processing requires more fully-contextualized representations, better modeled by later layers of LMs. Motivated by these findings, we also explore several probability-update measures using shallow and deep layers of LMs, showing a complementary advantage to single-layer's surprisal in reading time modeling.

Human language comprehension unfolds sequentially: each word is processed in the context of those that came before, and the interpretation builds incrementally over time. Surprisal, the negative log probability of a word given its context, has been the dominant predictor of incremental processing cost. But surprisal reduces rich sequential representations to a single scalar at each word, discarding information about the direction in which the interpretation has been evolving. Dynamical-systems approaches suggest that the trajectory of the evolving interpretive state, not just its position at each moment,should shape processing, and language itself may have local momentum, since speakers plan utterances a few words at a time. We introduce trajectory extrapolation error: at each word, we fit a linear trajectory to the preceding hidden states of a transformer language model and measure deviation from the extrapolated path. On the Natural Stories corpus, this measure is nearly orthogonal to surprisal (r = .044) and independently predicts self-paced reading times. The effect is especially pronounced in garden-path sentences, strengthens with model scale (GPT-2 Small to Large), and replicates across architectures with different positional encoding schemes (GPT-2 vs. Pythia/RoPE). A displacement control shows the effect is not reducible to representational change magnitude: displacement and extrapolation error predict in opposite directions. These findings reveal two dissociable components of processing cost: word-level prediction error (surprisal) and sensitivity to the local momentum of the unfolding interpretation (trajectory extrapolation error).