From DQI to C-DQI: Automatic Codebook Generation and Evaluation for Measuring Computational Discourse Quality Index
Authors: Esther Shizgal, Ron Keinan, Daniel Shtauber, Roee Tzvi Esquira, Ori Aronson, Matan Toledano, Or Rappel-Kroyzer, Liron Lavi, Renana Keydar, Ittai Bar-Siman-Tov, Reut Tsarfaty
Organizations: Department of Computer Science, Bar-Ilan University · Max Planck Center for Democracy, Security and Human Rights, Faculty of Law, Hebrew University · Faculty of Law, Bar-Ilan University · Digital Humanities, Hebrew University · Department of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University · Faculty of Law, Hebrew University
Effective democratic deliberation is vital for civic engagement and the health of legislative institutions. However, assessing parliamentary discourse quality is traditionally done using expert-scored, theory-based codebooks (CBs), which are rigid, labor-intensive, and prone to biases. While Large Language Models (LLMs) offer a scalable alternative for both schema induction and discourse annotation, ensuring schema quality and mitigating models' inherent bias remains a clear challenge. In this work, we propose a complete protocol for LLM-based codebook generation and evaluation. Starting from the widely accepted discourse quality Index (DQI), we compare top-down (theory-based), bottom-up (data-driven), and hybrid approaches for generating context-adapted schemas. To evaluate these schemas, we define an extrinsic proxy measure, validated by manual annotations, alongside an intrinsic inter-model agreement (IMA) metric, which leverages differing model biases to signal overall reliability. Our experiments on 100 Israeli parliament transcripts reveal that inductive, data-driven schemas achieve higher IMA than top-down methods while maintaining validity, demonstrating their potential for reliable, large-scale analysis of political discourse.
Figures & tables
Figure 1: The four workflows for deriving CBs for deliberation quality assessment: (a) the standard DQI CB (baseline), and three LLM-generated CBs — (b) theory-led (top-down), (c) data-driven (bottom-up), and (d) a hybrid CB combining the two previous approaches.
Figure 2: The evaluation pipeline: each discussion is segmented and scored against a given CB by multiple models, whose outputs are averaged. Repeating this across discussions yields the CB’s reliability (inter-model agreement) and validity (rank correlation with proxy C-DQI).
Statistic
Mean
Median
Std.
Min
Max
Transcript length
9,393.7
8,414.5
6,545.9
170
27,113
Turns / transcript
365.4
267.5
337.8
5
1,736
Turn length
25.7
10.0
53.5
1
1,364
Speakers per transcript
16.9
17.0
7.9
2
39
Segments per transcript
7.0
6.0
4.5
1
19
Segment length
1,342.0
1,466.0
299.6
45
1,500
Table 1: Structural statistics of the 100-transcript meeting corpus. Length statistics are reported in words.
CB
Krippendorff’s α
Percent Agreement
Spearman’s ρ
Standardized α
Bottom-Up-Hebrew
0.58
0.20
0.75
0.78
Bottom-Up-English
0.57
0.20
0.72
0.73
Bottom-Up-Corrected
0.57
0.17
0.74
0.77
Top-Down
0.49
0.13
0.70
0.72
Hybrid
0.46
0.10
0.70
0.73
Vanilla DQI
0.40
0.20
0.54
0.55
Table 2: Inter-Model Agreement (IMA) across six LLMs over 100 transcripts, computed per category on transcript-level scores and averaged within each CB. Percent Agreement counts only exact matches, which are rare between averaged scores; Krippendorff’s α weights disagreements by size, Spearman’s ρ compares rankings, and Standardized α compares relative scores.
CB
GPT-6-luna ( ρ )
Top-Down
0.66
Bottom-Up-English
0.62
Bottom-Up-Corrected
0.61
Hybrid
0.61
Vanilla DQI
0.59
Bottom-Up-Hebrew
0.59
Table 3: Spearman correlation between each C-DQI CB’s discussion-level score and the proxy C-DQI computed by GPT-6-luna, with the default hyperparameters. CB scores are averaged over the six annotator LLMs per transcript; items are all test transcripts ( n=100 ). All correlations are significant at p<10−9 .
Appendix figures & tables6 assets
Supplementary material from the paper’s appendix.
Appendix
Figure 3: System prompt used by the LLM judge.
Figure 4: User prompt used by the LLM judge (continued on the next page).
Figure 5: User prompt used by the LLM judge (continued). Text in {blue} is filled in per exchange.
Most reliable feature
Least reliable feature
Codebook
Feature
α
Feature
α
Vanilla DQI
Respect toward Groups
0.60
Justification Level
0.08
Top-Down
Respect and Civility
0.79
Justification Level
0.20
Bottom-Up-English
Procedural Decorum
0.83
Emotional Regulation
0.15
Bottom-Up-Corrected
Procedural Decorum
0.80
Emotional Regulation
0.19
Bottom-Up-Hebrew
Decorum and Tone
0.80
Chair Management Efficiency
0.36
Appendix
Table 4: Most and least reliable features per C-DQI codebook, determined by highest and lowest Krippendorff’s α scores.
Figure 6: Distribution of the proxy C-DQI across the 100 evaluation transcripts, computed by averaging each transcript’s 3-turn exchange scores (36,341 in total), judged by GPT-6-luna.
CB
Claude
Gemma4
DictaLM
Qwen3.6
GPT-OSS
Mistral
Bottom-Up-Corrected
0.57
0.55
0.64
0.59
0.58
0.58
Bottom-Up-English
0.59
0.56
0.63
0.54
0.58
0.64
Bottom-Up-Hebrew
0.57
0.53
0.54
0.55
0.53
0.62
Top-Down
0.55
0.64
0.59
0.69
0.65
0.64
Hybrid
0.54
0.56
0.52
0.61
0.59
0.63
Vanilla DQI
0.48
0.53
0.41
0.55
0.49
0.53
Appendix
Table 5: Spearman’s ρ between each C-DQI CB’s discussion-level score and the proxy (GPT-6-luna), broken out by annotator model rather than averaged across models. All correlations significant at p<10−4 .
As users increasingly turn to Large Language Models (LLMs) for information and advice on political matters, particularly during election periods, the political preferences expressed by these systems have become a matter of public interest. Prior research has shown that interactions with LLMs can influence users' political attitudes and choices, raising questions about how these models themselves evaluate political actors. In this paper, we investigate whether and how LLMs express preferences toward political parties and political leaders. We introduce a systematic and reproducible auditing framework in which multiple LLMs are prompted to evaluate parties and leaders across nine criteria. Rather than attempting to infer the models' "true" political beliefs, we focus on their observable behavior, examining consistency across evaluations, differences between models, refusal rates, and sensitivity to prompt formulation. We further investigate how these evaluations vary when models are instructed to adopt different personas. We demonstrate the framework through an Italian case study, providing a systematic analysis of LLM-generated political evaluations on italian parties and leaders.
LLMs are increasingly deployed in settings that require collective reasoning on complex, value-laden problems. Confidence in these deployments rests largely on benchmarks for verifiable tasks (mathematics, coding, coordination games), yet many of these applications concern problems where no objectively correct answer exists and where decision quality instead depends on integrating pluralistic perspectives to find mutually acceptable solutions. We argue that LLM reasoning capacity on this class of problems cannot be fully inferred from verifiable-task benchmarks, and that procedural evaluations of LLM discourse (respectfulness, justification, engagement) are systematically insufficient. We apply the Deliberative Reason Index (DRI), a measure developed in political science and validated across citizen assemblies, as a tool for evaluating reliable group-level reasoning on pluralistic, non-verifiable problems. Synthesizing recent evidence across 1,980 five-agent LLM runs on 12 citizen-assembly topics across 11 frontier model configurations, we find that LLM groups produce discourse with procedural quality comparable to human deliberation, while gains in intersubjective consistency are small, topic-dependent, and concentrated on tractable rather than ethically contested questions. LLM groups exhibit roughly one-third the perspective diversity of human assemblies and reverse the human convergence pattern: human deliberation decreases dispersion as diverse views synthesise, whereas LLM deliberation increases it. Engineering diversity through persona prompting does not restore the human dynamic but inverts which component of deliberative reasoning is updated. Our conclusion is constraining rather than prohibitive: LLMs can function as tools supporting human reasoning on pluralistic problems, but current evidence does not license treating them as autonomous deliberative agents.
Maurice Flechtner
University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland · ETH Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland
Large language models (LLMs) exhibit systematic political biases in voter simulations, but their underlying mechanisms and cross-lingual generalizations remain poorly understood. We introduce Dynamo-K, a census-grounded simulation framework evaluating Korean-language LLM political behavior across four models on six Korean elections (2017-2025). Using this framework, we identify three systematic failure modes: (1) progressive bias in moderate agents, where explicit mitigation reduces Mean Absolute Error (MAE) by 5.2 times; (2) model-dependent third-party salience collapse, distinguishing between salience failure and decision bias; and (3) regional polarization collapse, where models bidirectionally under-predict historical party strongholds. To address these failures, we demonstrate that scenario reframing recovers 62% of 2017 MAE by restoring third-party visibility. Furthermore, we introduce a learned reweighting adapter that successfully calibrates opposing-valence models without relying on candidate names at train or test time. Validating our diagnostic framework, Dynamo-K accurately predicts 3/3 presidential winners - including a 2.1%p MAE on the highly contested 0.73%p-margin 2022 race - and correctly identifies the dominant party in a held-out local election. The pipeline is open-source and provides a scalable, cost-effective method for diagnosing LLM political behavior.
Sungwoo Kang
Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering Korea University, Seoul, Republic of Korea