Political Discourse

Online political hostility is pervasive, yet it remains unclear how toxicity varies across campaign issues and political ideology, and what psychosocial signals and framing accompany toxic expression online. In this work, we present a large-scale analysis of discourse on X (Twitter) during the five weeks surrounding the 2024 U.S. presidential election. We categorize posts into 10 major campaign issues, estimate the ideology of posts using a human-in-the-loop LLM-assisted annotation process, detect harmful content with an LLM-based toxicity detection model, and then examine the psychological drivers of toxic content. We use these annotated data to examine how harmful content varies across campaign issues and ideologies, as well as how emotional tone and moral framing shape toxicity in election discussions. Our results show issue heterogeneity in both the prevalence and intensity of toxicity. Identity-related issues displayed the highest toxicity intensity. As for specific harm categories, harassment was most prevalent and intense across most of the issues, while hate concentrated in identity-centered debates. Partisan posts contained more harmful content than neutral posts, and ideological asymmetries in toxicity varied by issue. In terms of psycholinguistic dimensions, we found that toxic discourse is dominated by high-arousal negative emotions. Left- and right-leaning posts often exhibit similar emotional profiles within the same issue domain, suggesting emotional mirroring. Partisan groups frequently rely on overlapping moral foundations, while issue context strongly shapes which moral foundations become most salient. These findings provide a fine-grained account of toxic political discourse on social media and highlight that online political toxicity is highly context-dependent, underscoring the need for issue-sensitive approaches to measuring and mitigating it.

This paper introduces an updated and combined version of the bidirectional English-German EPIC-UdS (spoken) and EuroParl-UdS (written) corpora containing original European Parliament speeches as well as their translations and interpretations. The new version corrects metadata and text errors identified through previous use, refines the content, updates linguistic annotations, and adds new layers, including word alignment and word-level surprisal indices. The combined resource is designed to support research using information-theoretic approaches to language variation, particularly studies comparing written and spoken modes, and examining disfluencies in speech, as well as traditional translationese studies, including parallel (source vs. target) and comparable (original vs. translated) analyses. The paper outlines the updates introduced in this release, summarises previous results based on the corpus, and presents a new illustrative study. The study validates the integrity of the rebuilt spoken data and evaluates probabilistic measures derived from base and fine-tuned GPT-2 and machine translation models on the task of filler particles prediction in interpreting.

Large language models are increasingly used to interpret politically contested questions, value-laden material on which there is no single correct answer, only competing interpretive traditions. We ask whether a model's choice among those traditions can turn on the language of the prompt rather than the content. Comparing two frontier models, ChatGPT 5.2 and Claude Opus 4.5, on one contested Ukrainian civil-society document under semantically matched Russian and Ukrainian prompts, we find that both shift along the same axis on identical source text: Russian prompts elicit delegitimizing readings of the document's authors and Ukrainian prompts legitimating ones. The magnitude is model-dependent but neither model is neutral: each adopts a language-dependent stance, and the difference is one of degree. Because contested political questions admit no correct reading against which to measure, we read this as language-conditioned variation in which interpretive tradition a model activates: the model neither holds a single stance nor surfaces the plurality of available ones, but silently adopts the dominant frame of the prompt's language. We draw out the consequences for pluralism-aware evaluation, which must probe the same content across the languages a model serves, and for pluralistic alignment in multilingual settings.

Novel Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) methods have enabled the generation of large ensembles of redistricting plans modeled as a graph partitioning problem. However, existing algorithms such as Reversible Recombination (RevReCom) and Metropolized Forest Recombination (MFR) have strong preferences for distributions related to the spanning tree measure. In this paper we introduce the Marked Edge Walk (MEW), a novel Markov chain proposal for sampling from the space of graph partitions. The walk operates on the space of spanning trees with marked edges, allowing for calculable transition probabilities for use in the Metropolis-Hastings algorithm. Empirical results on real-world dual graphs show convergence under a broad class of target distributions less constrained by spanning tree counts, including policy-based distributions, such as competitiveness on New Hampshire that are independent of spanning trees, and compactness and partisan symmetry distributions on New Hampshire and Texas that, while related to spanning trees, can now be properly targeted with a smaller degree of spanning tree bias, which represents an advancement in flexible ensemble generation.

We present a collection of open, machine-readable document datasets covering parliamentary proceedings, legal judgments, government publications, news, and tourism statistics from Sri Lanka. The collection currently comprises of 278,621 documents (80.7 GB) across 26 datasets in Sinhala, Tamil, and English. The datasets are updated daily and mirrored on GitHub and Hugging Face. These resources aim to support research in computational linguistics, legal analytics, socio-political studies, and multilingual natural language processing. We describe the data sources, collection pipeline, formats, and potential use cases, while discussing licensing and ethical considerations. This manuscript is at version v2026-07-02-0940.

Large language models (LLMs) reflect politically-slanted opinions in their generated text. Even though it is widely assumed that model behavior stem from training data, there has been no study quantifying the extent to which political content is part of the training data. To bridge this gap, we aim to directly estimate (1)~the proportion of politically engaged texts in training data, (2)~respective data imbalance, (3)~cross-dataset similarity, and (4)~correlations between data composition and model behaviour. We analyze the political content of pre- and post-training datasets of open-source LLMs, combining large-scale sampling, political-leaning classification, and stance detection. We find that all LLM training datasets are systematically skewed towards left-leaning content, with pre-training containing more politically engaged than post-training corpora. We further observe a strong correlation between political stances in training data and model behavior, which is present already in most base models and persists across post-training stages. These findings highlight the role of data composition in correlating with model behavior and motivate the need for greater data transparency as a means to understand and monitor model behavior.

Large language models (LLMs) are increasingly deployed in politically sensitive contexts, raising concerns about their susceptibility to ideological biases. In this work, we examine how synthetic persona conditioning shapes ideological expression across seven open-weight instruction-tuned models (7B-72B parameters) using the Political Compass Test (62 statements) as a standardized behavioral probe. Across three studies involving 200,000 synthetic personas and more than 260 million model responses, we analyze implicit and explicit malleability, as well as theme-associated variations. We find that: (i) larger models exhibit broader implicit ideological coverage, increasing from 14-35% for 7-8B models to up to 49% for 70B+ models; (ii) explicit ideological priming induces large and statistically significant shifts, with right-authoritarian cues moving all models in the intended direction and producing larger effects in most model-axis comparisons; (iii) left-libertarian priming produces more heterogeneous responses, including counter-directional economic shifts in three of four 7-8B models, while all 70B+ models move in the intended direction; and (iv) theme-associated semantic content in persona descriptions is linked to systematic and interpretable directional shifts in ideological space. While our results identify an upstream mechanism through which persona conditioning can alter model responses under a standardized ideological probe, we do not test whether such shifts affect users beliefs, decisions, or political behavior. Our findings are best understood as evidence of ideological malleability at the generation layer, highlighting the need to account for interactional factors when evaluating political neutrality, fairness, and safety in English-prompted, persona-conditioned language models.