Children, but not language models, show accelerating returns in word learning

Modern language models (LMs) must be trained on many orders of magnitude more words of training data than human children receive before they begin to produce useful behavior. Assessing the nature and origins of this "data gap" requires benchmarking LMs on human-scale datasets to understand how linguistic knowledge emerges from children's natural training data. Using transcripts from the BabyView dataset (videos from children ages 6-36 months), we investigate (1) scaling performance at child-scale data regimes, (2) variability in model performance across datasets from different children's experiences and linguistic predictors of dataset quality, and (3) relationships between model and child language learning outcomes. LMs trained on child data show acceptable scaling for grammar tasks, but lower scaling on semantic and world knowledge tasks than models trained on synthetic data; we also observe substantial variability on data from different children. Beyond dataset size, performance is most associated with a combination of distributional and interactional linguistic features, broadly consistent with what makes high-quality input for child language development. Finally, model likelihoods for individual words correlate with children's learning of those words, suggesting that properties of child-directed input may influence both model learning and human language development. Overall, understanding what properties make language data efficient for learning can enable more powerful small-scale language models while also shedding light on human language acquisition.

Is child-directed language (CDL) optimized to support language learning, and which aspects of linguistic development does it facilitate? We investigate this question using neural language models trained on CDL versus adult-directed language (ADL). We selectively remove syntactic or lexical co-occurrence information from the model training data, and evaluate the impact of these manipulations on verb meaning acquisition. While disrupting syntax impairs learning across all datasets, models trained on CDL and spoken ADL show significantly higher resilience than those trained on written input. Tracking semantic and syntactic performance over training, we observe a semantic-first trajectory, with verb meanings emerging prior to robust syntactic proficiency, an asynchrony most pronounced in the spoken domain, especially CDL. These results suggest that the advantage for verb learning previously attributed to CDL may instead reflect broader properties of the spoken register, rather than a uniquely CDL-specific optimization.

Is word acquisition in children uneven with respect to semantic and lexical categories? To answer this question, we model early language learning as a search on a graph-based mental lexicon, driven by two interacting processes: spreading activation and an enforced exploration (rather than exploitation) of lexical categories. We evaluate model performance on four languages (German, English, Dutch, and Rioplatense Spanish), using CDIs as ground-truth data for lexical categories, normative ages derived from the Wordbank repository, and state-of-the-art resources for reconstructing graphs of word similarities. We find that spreading activation outperforms a shortest path baseline in simulating normative word acquisition. At the category level, we highlight complex transitions between CDIs. By studying their sequences in terms of burstiness and average persistence time within the same CDI, we find that spreading activation better captures the exploration dynamics observed empirically. Overall, our findings suggest that vocabulary development can be understood through the non-trivial interplay between activation dynamics and some degree of constraints regulating the visiting of lexical categories in complex networks.