How do learners avoid overgeneralizations such as Tom laughed me without explicit negative evidence? Constructionists have posited two proposals that describe indirect negative evidence against overgeneralizations: preemption (which privileges exposure to near-synonymous construction---e.g., she made him laugh) vs. entrenchment (all exposures to a verb's grammatical usages, including cases like He laughed). We disentangle these hypotheses by running controlled rearing experiments on LMs trained on child-caregiver conversations, where we systematically remove preemptive vs. non-preemptive evidence. We find that while LMs avoid overgeneralizations, they do not show preemption at a verb-specific level, instead showing weak but non-zero evidence of abstract preemption. Combined with results from analyzing the LMs' training dynamics, we find that LMs treat competing structures as indirect positive---as opposed to negative---evidence in the verb-specific condition. Insofar as preemption is the more plausible route to avoiding overgeneralizations in humans, our results point the need for there to be sensitivities to indirect negative evidence in neural network learners, and suggest new human experiments to test abstract preemption.
How do learners acquire knowledge of what is unacceptable without negative evidence? Construction Grammar proposes statistical preemption: exposure to a conventional form (e.g., "donated the books to the library") preempts structurally possible but unattested alternatives ("*donated the library the books"). We present a computational study that, for the first time, directly dissociates statistical preemption from the competing entrenchment hypothesis in large language models within a single converging design. Across four experiments spanning 120 English verb-construction pairings (dative, causative, locative), we show that (1) LLM surprisal patterns correlate strongly with human acceptability judgments (r=0.79), validated against three independent behavioral datasets; (2) these patterns are driven by competing-form frequency rather than overall verb frequency, confirmed by non-circular partial correlations; (3) preemption sensitivity scales as a power law with model size; and (4) a controlled fine-tuning intervention causally demonstrates that manipulating competing-form frequencies shifts preemption behavior in the predicted direction, with reverse-direction controls ruling out frequency-sensitivity confounds. These results provide converging evidence that neural language models acquire negative linguistic knowledge through distributional competition, the core mechanism posited by Construction Grammar.
Usage-based theories of grammars posit that creative productivity of the structures of language is both bolstered and constrained by two distinct frequency signals: entrenchment, stemming from high frequency usage, and preemption, stemming from having never observed a particular linguistic structure in a context where one might expect that structure to appear. Large Language Models are also usage-based, in the sense that the structures of language are learned through exposure to vast amounts of text. Here, we test whether or not the opposing statistical forces of entrenchment and preemption also encourage and constrain linguistic productivity in LLMs. We demonstrate across model architectures that larger models recognize and can reproduce with nonce words constructional productivity (entrenchment) in cases of coercion, wherein the broader constructional context coerces an atypical interpretation of a lexical item. However, we also show that even the largest models do not extend negative evidence to novel language, and statistical preemption does not enable models to avoid overgeneralization of patterns that are semantically felicitous, but never observed in data.
Claire Bonial, Claire Benet Post, Laura Michaelis +1
Grokking, the phenomenon in which neural networks generalize long after fitting their training data, has been studied in supervised settings on many epochs. LLM pre-training instead involves next-token prediction over an unlabeled corpus, with limited data repetition and no explicit train/validation split. To address this, we propose an exposure-based framework that enables the study of grokking-like dynamics during LLM pre-training. We ground our evaluation in BLiMP minimal pairs, which provide controlled grammatical contrasts. For every BLiMP minimal pair, we identify a critical phrase, the smallest continuous span that captures the grammatical contrast and the phenomenon-relevant context. Examples whose critical phrase appears in the pre-training window are assigned to the proxy-train split; the remaining examples are assigned to the proxy-validation split. Across five grammatical phenomena, we observe delayed generalization. Analyzing pre-training checkpoints before and after generalization shows that grammatical concept vectors become more predictive of grammatical acceptability and occupy a higher-dimensional subspace after generalization. We also find that attention from the critical token to the relevant context token is concentrated in a small number of heads.