Syntactic Patterns and Stylistic Functions in Narrative Prose: A Rule-Based and Machine-Learning Approach

While it is well-established that prosody carries crucial cues for syntactic structure, the degree and nature of correspondence between these two domains remains contested. We investigate the syntax-prosody interface through an information-theoretic lens, quantifying the interaction between prosodic features and syntactic representations as their mutual information. We provide a general-purpose framework for estimating this quantity over large speech-text corpora using multimodal language models. Our framework is structure-agnostic and modular, insofar as it can be used to measure the contributions of individual prosodic features or components of structure. We evaluate the syntax-prosody relationship for two features (word duration and inter-word pauses) across two domains--read audiobooks and spontaneous conversations--both in English. Our results demonstrate that prosody contains measurable syntactic information, with prosodic features reducing syntactic uncertainty in spontaneous conversations by up to 10.2%. Our findings offer new empirical support for several theoretical accounts of the syntax-prosody interface.

This study examines how large language model rewriting alters the style and narrative texture of personal narratives. It analyzes 300 personal narratives rewritten by three frontier LLMs under three prompt conditions: generic improvement, rewrite-only, and voice-preserving revision. Change is measured across 13 linguistic markers drawn from computational stylistics, including function words, vocabulary diversity, word length, punctuation, contractions, first-person pronouns, and emotion words. Across models and prompt conditions, LLM rewriting produces a consistent pattern of stylistic normalization. Function words, contractions, and first-person pronouns decrease, while vocabulary diversity, word length, and punctuation elaboration increase. These shifts occur whether the prompt asks the model to "improve" the text or simply to "rewrite" it. Voice-preserving prompts reduce the magnitude of the changes but do not eliminate their direction. Stylometric analysis shows that rewritten texts converge in feature space and become harder to match back to their source texts. Additional narrative markers indicate a shift from embedded to distanced narration, and from explicit causal reasoning to compressed abstraction. The findings suggest that contemporary LLMs exert a directional pull toward a more polished, less situated register. This has consequences for digital humanities and computational text analysis, where features such as function words, pronouns, contractions, and punctuation often serve as evidence for style, voice, authorship, and corpus integrity. LLM revision should therefore be understood not merely as surface-level editing, but as a consequential form of textual mediation.

Grammaticality and likelihood are distinct notions in human language. Pretrained language models (LMs), which are probabilistic models of language fitted to maximize corpus likelihood, generate grammatically well-formed text and discriminate well between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences in tightly controlled minimal pairs. However, their string probabilities do not sharply discriminate between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences overall. But do LMs implicitly acquire a grammaticality distinction distinct from string probability? We explore this question through studying internal representations of LMs, by training a linear probe on a dataset of grammatical and (synthetic) ungrammatical sentences obtained by applying perturbations to a naturalistic text corpus. We find that this simple grammaticality probe generalizes to human-curated grammaticality judgment benchmarks and outperforms LM probability-based grammaticality judgments. When applied to semantic plausibility benchmarks, in which both members of a minimal pair are grammatical and differ in only plausibility, the probe however performs worse than string probability. The English-trained probe also exhibits nontrivial cross-lingual generalization, outperforming string probabilities on grammaticality benchmarks in numerous other languages. Additionally, probe scores correlate only weakly with string probabilities. These results collectively suggest that LMs acquire to some extent an implicit grammaticality distinction within their hidden layers.