Understanding the dynamics of language acquisition in Large Language Models (LLMs) is crucial for uncovering how statistical representations evolve into structured linguistic capabilities. However, most existing studies focus primarily on fully trained models, leaving the developmental trajectory across intermediate training stages largely underexplored. In this work, we leverage intermediate checkpoints from open-source models (e.g., Pythia and OLMo) under teacher-forcing evaluation to systematically investigate language acquisition across training steps and model scales. We focus on four core characteristics: morphological structure acquisition, embedding drift, repetition dominance, and co-occurrence effects. Our findings reveal that models acquire morphological structures well before semantic embeddings stabilize. Furthermore, we show that training dataset size has a positive impact on divergence recognition, while co-occurrence during pre-training and repetition during inference have a negative impact on divergence recognition and associative link generation.
Figures & tables
Figure 1: Without a closing token, target probabilities shift due to valid alternate continuations after the presumably unfavorable inflection.
Figure 2: Morphological inflections across time for Pythia-70M (top), Pythia-12B (middle), and OLMo3-Stage1 (bottom). The horizontal axis represents the number and percentage of total training tokens elapsed in the training steps; the vertical axis shows the log scale of target words’ probabilities.
Figure 3: Morphological inflections in Pythia suite and OLMo3 w.r.t. all unit-test cases. Shadows represent the standard deviation of results.
Figure 4: Semantic embedding stability for Pythia-70M (top), Pythia-12B (middle), and OLMo3-Stage1 (bottom): left (Verbs), middle (Nouns), and right (Pronouns).
Test Type
Prompt Format
rDAT
“““Pick Ntw very different words from the list below: {list of 10 words}:”””
RAT
“““Given three remote stimulus words “word_1”, “word_2”, “word_3”, name the single word that connects all three.”””
Table 1: Prompt formats for creativity tests, rDAT and RAT.
Figure 5: Our rDAT results across time for Pythia-70M, Pythia-12B, and OLMo3with a reference 10-word list “male, female, cat, dog, chalk, cheese, fish, bird, animal, vegetable”.
Figure 6: Performance of Pythia and OLMo3: DR and MR for top-10 triplets of 16 lists in rDAT test.
Figure 7: RAT results across time for Pythia-70M (top), Pythia-12B (middle), and OLMo3 (bottom): (a) Easy; (b) Medium; and (c) Hard cases.
Appendix figures & tables16 assets
Supplementary material from the paper’s appendix.
Appendix
Model
Size
Layers
Hidden Dimension
Heads
Pythia
70M
6
512
8
160M
12
768
12
410M
24
1024
16
1B
16
2048
8
6.9B
32
4096
32
12B
36
5120
40
Appendix
Table A.1 : Architectures of under-study LLMs
Prompt Type
Verbs
Nouns
Pronouns
Incipit Prompt
Target Word
Incipit Prompt
Target Word
Incipit Prompt
Target Word
Favorable
I
am␣
I love
books.
Every Wednesday, he visits
her.
Unfavorable
are␣
book.
she.
Favorable
You
are␣
I eat
bananas.
This book is
mine.
Unfavorable
is␣
banana.
my.
Favorable
I am
going␣
He wears
boots.
His father liked to talk to
him.
Appendix
Table D.1 : List of unit-test cases in various lexical categories for some common morphological inflections. Here, ␣ shows a space character.
Figure D.1 : Morphological inflections in GPT-2 and OLMo2variants w.r.t. all unit-test cases.
Figure D.2 : Morphological structures across time for Pythia suite: 160M, 410M, 1B, and 6.9B—first to fourth rows, respectively.
Figure D.3 : Morphological structures across time for OLMo2 (top) and OLMo2-Instruct (bottom).
Figure D.4 : Morphological structures across time for GPT-2 variations: Alias, Battlestar, Caprica, Darkmatter, and Expanse—first to fifth rows, respectively.
Figure D.5 : Training corpus strongly affects morphological structure.
Figure D.6 : Semantic embedding stability for Pythia suite: 160M, 410M, 1B, and 6.9B—first to fourth rows, respectively; left (Verbs), middle (Nouns), and right (Pronouns).
Figure D.7 : Semantic embedding stability for OLMo2 and OLMo2-Instruct: left (Verbs), middle (Nouns), and right (Pronouns).
Figure D.8 : Semantic embedding stability for GPT-2 variations: Alias, Battlestar, Caprica, Darkmatter, and Expanse—first to fifth rows, respectively; left (Verbs), middle (Nouns), and right (Pronouns).
Figure D.9 : Rank evolution of of words in The Pile dataset over checkpoints.
Figure D.10 : Performance of Pythia suite and OLMo3: baseline and maturity likelihoods for 16 lists in rDAT test—top row (a-c), top-1 triplets; bottom row (d-f), top-5 triplets.
Figure D.11 : Performance of Pythia suite, GPT-2 variations, OLMo2 variations, and OLMo3: baseline and maturity likelihoods for top-10 triplets of 32 lists in rDAT test.
Figure D.12 : RAT results across time for Pythia suit: 160M, 410M, 1B, and 6.9B—first to fourth rows, respectively; (a) Easy; (b) Medium; and (c) Hard cases.
Figure D.13 : RAT results across time for GPT-2 seeds: Alias, Battlestar, Caprica, Darkmatter, and Expanse—first to fifth rows, respectively; (a) Easy; (b) Medium; and (c) Hard cases.
Figure D.14 : RAT results across time for OLMo2 (top row) and OLMo2-Instruct (bottom row): (a) Easy; (b) Medium; and (c) Hard cases.
Large language models (LLMs) can perform remarkably complex tasks, yet the fine-grained details of how these capabilities emerge during pretraining remain poorly understood. Scaling laws on validation loss tell us how much a model improves with additional compute, but not what skills it acquires in which order. To remedy this, we propose the Implicit Curriculum Hypothesis: pretraining follows a compositional and predictable curriculum across models and data mixtures. We test this by designing a suite of simple, composable tasks spanning retrieval, morphological transformations, coreference, logical reasoning, and mathematics. Using these tasks, we track emergence points across four model families spanning sizes from 410M-13B parameters. We find that emergence orderings of when models reach fixed accuracy thresholds are strikingly consistent (ρ=.81 across 45 model pairs), and that composite tasks most often emerge after their component tasks. Furthermore, we find that this structure is encoded in model representations: tasks with similar function vector representations also tend to follow similar trajectories in training. By using the space of representations derived from our task set, we can effectively predict the training trajectories of simple held-out compositional tasks throughout the course of pretraining (R2=.68-.84 across models) without previously evaluating them. Together, these results suggest that pretraining is more structured than loss curves reveal: skills emerge in a compositional order that is consistent across models and readable from their internals.
Emmy Liu, Kaiser Sun, Millicent Li +4
Language Technologies Institute, Carnegie Mellon University · Department of Computer Science, Data Science and AI Institute, Johns Hopkins University · Khoury College of Computer Science, Northeastern University +1
Large Language Models (LLMs) remain substantially less data-efficient than humans. Pre-pretraining (PPT) on synthetic languages has been proposed to close this gap, with prior work emphasizing highly expressive formal languages such as k-Shuffle Dyck. Inspired by the Language Acquisition Device (LAD) hypothesis, which posits that innate constraints preemptively restrict the learner's hypothesis space to natural-language-like structure, we propose LAD-inspired PPT: pre-pretraining on MP-STRUCT, a formal language whose strings encode hierarchical composition, feature-based dependencies, and long-distance displacement via MERGE, AGREE, and MOVE. A brief 500-step PPT with MP-STRUCT matches strong formal-language baselines in token efficiency while additionally imparting a human-like resistance to structurally implausible languages (e.g., REVERSE). Analyzing simplified variants, we find that MP-STRUCT CORE outperforms k-Shuffle Dyck despite not being definable in C-RASP (a formal bound on transformer expressivity), challenging the prior hypothesis that effective PPT languages must be both hierarchically expressive and circuit-theoretically learnable. We show that functional landmarks, which reduce dependency resolution ambiguity, are a key driver, suggesting that effective PPT design depends not only on expressivity but also on the accessibility of dependency resolution.
Pre-pretraining language models (LMs) on symbolic data can accelerate and improve natural language acquisition. However, existing pre-pretraining tasks, such as Dyck and procedural algorithms, rely on narrow primitives that fail to capture the expressive capacity of natural language. Moreover, prior studies remain restricted to relatively small token budgets, offering limited insight into skill emergence and representational dynamics. To address these limitations, we propose logic pre-pretraining (Logic-PPT) as a principled initialization strategy, leveraging formal derivations to impart richer structural and linguistic biases. Formal derivations require abstract mechanisms that are central to natural language, simultaneously binding variables, connecting quantifiers and relational dependencies, and composing predicate-argument structures over long contexts. Scaling our evaluation to a 100B-token regime, logic pre-pretraining substantially accelerates skill acquisition in LMs, achieving 80% accuracy on linguistic tasks with 36B fewer tokens than standard initialization, and outperforming alternative pre-pretraining baselines. Mechanistically, formal derivations induce persistent structural reorganization, distinctively characterized by a lower-rank, spectrally concentrated representation space. Crucially, we show that this internal geometry enables improved model compressibility via pruning, matching the dense baseline performance even at ≈33% sparsity.
Jo-Ku Cheng, Nikolaos Aletras, Marco Valentino
School of Computer Science, University of Sheffield, United Kingdom