Probing Minimalist Phase Structure in LLMs: What Universal Dependencies Cannot Represent

Grammaticality and likelihood are distinct notions in human language. Pretrained language models (LMs), which are probabilistic models of language fitted to maximize corpus likelihood, generate grammatically well-formed text and discriminate well between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences in tightly controlled minimal pairs. However, their string probabilities do not sharply discriminate between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences overall. But do LMs implicitly acquire a grammaticality distinction distinct from string probability? We explore this question through studying internal representations of LMs, by training a linear probe on a dataset of grammatical and (synthetic) ungrammatical sentences obtained by applying perturbations to a naturalistic text corpus. We find that this simple grammaticality probe generalizes to human-curated grammaticality judgment benchmarks and outperforms LM probability-based grammaticality judgments. When applied to semantic plausibility benchmarks, in which both members of a minimal pair are grammatical and differ in only plausibility, the probe however performs worse than string probability. The English-trained probe also exhibits nontrivial cross-lingual generalization, outperforming string probabilities on grammaticality benchmarks in numerous other languages. Additionally, probe scores correlate only weakly with string probabilities. These results collectively suggest that LMs acquire to some extent an implicit grammaticality distinction within their hidden layers.

Large Language Models (LLMs) remain substantially less data-efficient than humans. Pre-pretraining (PPT) on synthetic languages has been proposed to close this gap, with prior work emphasizing highly expressive formal languages such as $k$-Shuffle Dyck. Inspired by the Language Acquisition Device (LAD) hypothesis, which posits that innate constraints preemptively restrict the learner's hypothesis space to natural-language-like structure, we propose LAD-inspired PPT: pre-pretraining on MP-STRUCT, a formal language whose strings encode hierarchical composition, feature-based dependencies, and long-distance displacement via MERGE, AGREE, and MOVE. A brief 500-step PPT with MP-STRUCT matches strong formal-language baselines in token efficiency while additionally imparting a human-like resistance to structurally implausible languages (e.g., REVERSE). Analyzing simplified variants, we find that MP-STRUCT CORE outperforms $k$-Shuffle Dyck despite not being definable in C-RASP (a formal bound on transformer expressivity), challenging the prior hypothesis that effective PPT languages must be both hierarchically expressive and circuit-theoretically learnable. We show that functional landmarks, which reduce dependency resolution ambiguity, are a key driver, suggesting that effective PPT design depends not only on expressivity but also on the accessibility of dependency resolution.

Standard linear probing declares a property "encoded" when a classifier on hidden states achieves high accuracy. The protocol works well on a snapshot but breaks across pre-training: probe accuracy saturates within the first few thousand steps, leaving most of training invisible to the instrument. We introduce fragility, a complementary per-layer metric defined as the activation-noise level at which probe accuracy collapses. Fragility is sensitive to both the margin of separability and the redundancy of representation, both of which keep evolving long after accuracy plateaus. Applied to open-checkpoint language models, fragility recovers structure that accuracy alone cannot see. Moralized representations emerge along a lexical $\to$ compositional gradient: lexical moral detection first, compositional moral encoding later. Because probe accuracy on its own tracks how lexically separable a dataset is, we establish the compositional encoding directly, by showing it transfers across construction types that share no contrast tokens. A layer-depth robustness gradient develops monotonically across training while accuracy stays flat. And matched fine-tuning corpora that produce identical probing accuracy leave distinct fragility fingerprints, showing that data curation reshapes probe robustness without changing probe accuracy. In every comparison we test, where probing accuracy returns a flat answer, fragility returns a structured one.