From Parallels to Divergence: Language Models' Learning of Action Nominal Constructions

Many of the thousands of attested languages share common configurations of features, creating a spectrum from typologically very rare (e.g., object-verb-subject word order) or impossible languages to very common combinations of features (e.g., subject-object-verb word order). One central question is under what conditions such typological tendencies can be predicted, and specifically whether the learning bias of language models (LMs) is sufficient to reproduce such patterns. In this study, we add one dimensionality to such analysis -- the learning scenario for LMs -- to explore its interaction with the inductive bias of LMs. Specifically, as a first study, we examine the effect of curriculum learning (CL), as a developmentally motivated learning scenario, i.e., starting with simpler sentences rather than randomly-ordered input. We expand existing LM-based exploration (El-Naggar et al., 2025a,b) with a simple CL variant and find that CL substantially impacts the apparent inductive bias of LMs.

Recent work has shown that language models (LMs) trained on synthetic corpora can exhibit typological preferences that resemble cross-linguistic regularities in human languages, particularly for syntactic phenomena such as word order. In this paper, we extend this paradigm to differential argument marking (DAM), a semantic licensing system in which morphological marking depends on semantic prominence. Using a controlled synthetic learning method, we train GPT-2 models on 18 corpora implementing distinct DAM systems and evaluate their generalization using minimal pairs. Our results reveal a dissociation between two typological dimensions of DAM. Models reliably exhibit human-like preferences for natural markedness direction, favoring systems in which overt marking targets semantically atypical arguments. In contrast, models do not reproduce the strong object preference in human languages, in which overt marking in DAM more often targets objects rather than subjects. These findings suggest that different typological tendencies may arise from distinct underlying sources.

It is unclear how Neural Language Models (NLMs) acquire the structural meaning encoded by grammatical structures that is independent of lexical semantics. We propose a statistical learning process in which learned dependency structures themselves become new distributional units for subsequent statistical learning. Under this account, once a dependency structure is acquired, the model tracks its contextual distributions. These contextual features reflect the semantic properties of a composite structure. To test this hypothesis, we design a synthetic grammar in which each grammatical structure has distinct contextual distributions that cannot be recovered from the distributional statistics of their component tokens alone. We train a series of BERT-style masked language models on this grammar and examine their developmental trajectory. The results show that models can successfully learn the contextual distributions of composite dependency structures even though they cannot be inferred from token statistics alone. Developmental analysis further reveals a clear developmental trajectory. The learning of the dependency relations that define a grammatical structure consistently precedes the learning of its contextual features. These findings suggest that statistical learning in NLMs is not merely the accumulation of token co-occurrence statistics, but a process in which learned dependency structures become new units of distributional learning. We argue that this process provides a statistical-learning account of how NLMs solve the compositionality problem in language. Finally, we discuss the possibility that this statistical learning process provides an explanatory theory on how language cognition could emerge from pure distributional statistics.