We present a systematic review of 337 articles evaluating the syntactic abilities of Transformer-based language models (TLMs), reporting on over 3,000 datapoints spanning a wide range of syntactic phenomena, languages, models, and methods. We take the data to collectively show that TLMs encode a non-trivial amount of syntactic knowledge. Behavioral evidence shows strong performance on formal syntactic phenomena, but weaker and more variable performance on phenomena at the syntax-semantics interface. Performance is also consistently lower for languages with less digital support. Probing and mechanistic studies further support the presence of syntactic knowledge in TLMs. Yet, because most work remains observational and methodologically heterogeneous, insight into the detailed computational mechanisms underlying syntactic processing remains limited. At the same time, the literature remains heavily concentrated on English and BERT-like models. We discuss the implications of our results and provide recommendations for future research.
Probing studies have established that syntactic information is decodable in early and middle transformer layers, but what happens to that information in later layers remains poorly understood. We apply a cross-layer generalisation analysis to three Greek-tuned large language models evaluated on tightly controlled minimal pairs: object-relative constructions in Modern Greek, where canonical (Subject-Verb-Object; SVO) and non-canonical (Verb-Subject-Object; VSO) orders differ only in within-clause word order, while preserving propositional meaning. When a probe trained on late layers (20-31) is tested on each early layer individually, it produces below-chance transfer (cluster-corrected, p<0.01), classifying 99.3% of non-canonical sentences as canonical. Probe coefficients reverse sign around layer 22, indicating a directional recoding toward the canonical form rather than simple information loss. These findings characterise a representational format change in late transformer layers that goes beyond the well-established decline in syntactic decodability, and they generate a directly testable prediction for human EEG and MEG decoding studies using the same stimuli. Code and stimuli are publicly available on OSF.
Grammaticality and likelihood are distinct notions in human language. Pretrained language models (LMs), which are probabilistic models of language fitted to maximize corpus likelihood, generate grammatically well-formed text and discriminate well between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences in tightly controlled minimal pairs. However, their string probabilities do not sharply discriminate between grammatical and ungrammatical sentences overall. But do LMs implicitly acquire a grammaticality distinction distinct from string probability? We explore this question through studying internal representations of LMs, by training a linear probe on a dataset of grammatical and (synthetic) ungrammatical sentences obtained by applying perturbations to a naturalistic text corpus. We find that this simple grammaticality probe generalizes to human-curated grammaticality judgment benchmarks and outperforms LM probability-based grammaticality judgments. When applied to semantic plausibility benchmarks, in which both members of a minimal pair are grammatical and differ in only plausibility, the probe however performs worse than string probability. The English-trained probe also exhibits nontrivial cross-lingual generalization, outperforming string probabilities on grammaticality benchmarks in numerous other languages. Additionally, probe scores correlate only weakly with string probabilities. These results collectively suggest that LMs acquire to some extent an implicit grammaticality distinction within their hidden layers.
Multilingual large language models (mLLMs) achieve strong performance in machine translation, yet our understanding of the mechanisms by which they transform representations from one language to another remains incomplete. Prior work suggests that translation decomposes into separable processes within an mLLM, where conceptual content is first represented independently, followed by a production into language-specific form. In this work, we show that translation is even more modular than previously assumed and that the output language production in translation processes is actually further separable into a syntax and a surface language process. We construct controlled multilingual datasets that isolate cross-linguistic differences in word-order and use causal interventions and probing to track how representations are transformed during translation. We find that models first construct target-side word-order before realizing the target language surface form. We identify individual attention heads that are selectively sensitive to syntactic transformations while remaining largely invariant to language identity. These results establish the commitment to a syntactic structure as an independent stage in translation, extending prior decompositions and showing how translation is implemented by functionally different components within mLLMs.