Large language models (LLMs) can readily reproduce conventional expressions, yet their ability to model gradient frequency distributions remains underexplored. We investigate this using linguistic binomials, such as men and women, where both word permutations are grammatically valid but exhibit distinct, cross-linguistic variations in conventionality. We formalize binomial ordering as a distributional alignment problem, and construct a multilingual dataset of 600 binomial pairs across 8 languages. With categorical and distributional metrics, we measure and compare the corpus-derived preferences with model-induced ordering probabilities of 6 open-weight LLMs. While models often behaviorally recover the dominant corpus-preferred order, particularly for strongly conventionalized pairs, they align less well with the exact corpus preference distributions. This suggests that apparent directional order overstates how faithfully LLMs capture the statistical nuances of language use. Sparse probing verifies that the concept of preference strength is partially encoded among middle-to-late layers, and steering along probe-derived directions alters model-induced ordering distributions, demonstrating that the statistical behavioral preference of LLMs can be mechanistically measured and manipulated via internal representations.
A central question in language acquisition is whether linguistic biases can emerge from general learning mechanisms operating over underdetermined input. Artificial Language Learning (ALL) studies have shown that human learners reliably generalize beyond the evidence provided, including by preferring scope-homomorphic noun phrase modifier orders. In this work, we investigate whether language models exhibit the same bias under similar conditions. We create a controlled learning environment in which models are trained on a corpus where all noun phrases containing multiple modifiers have been removed, eliminating direct evidence about modifier ordering, and are then evaluated on multiple modifier sentences. Across three model sizes, we find that they consistently prefer scope-homomorphic orders despite never observing them during training. These preferences vary in strength by modifier type. To investigate the source of these preferences, we examine noun-modifier association strength using pointwise mutual information (PMI). While PMI reflects known modifier-ordering patterns, it does not explain the models' ordering preferences. These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
We systematically compare word order preferences in decoder-only language models across 192 artificial languages and typologically diverse natural languages. On artificial languages, models exhibit a left-branching preference that aligns with neither natural language universals nor human word order learning biases. On natural languages, monolingual models show no clear base word order bias at small scales, but as data grows, a preference for right-branching subject-verb-object (SVO) languages emerges while SOV falls behind despite being the most frequent order cross-linguistically. This SVO advantage extends to multilingual models and correlates with language resource level and data quality rather than word order. Thus, the same architecture exhibits opposite preferences on artificial and natural languages, establishing that word order biases observed in practice are data-driven. Since highly-resourced languages are overwhelmingly SVO, these biases risk gradually reducing word order diversity, particularly in languages that productively use multiple word orders, with the widespread adoption of LLMs.
Large language models (LLMs) can be said to have preferences: they reliably pick certain tasks and outputs over others, and preferences shaped by post-training and system prompts appear to shape much of their behaviour. But models can also adopt different personas which have radically different preferences. How is this implemented internally? Does each persona run on its own preference machinery, or is something shared underneath? We train linear probes on residual-stream activations of Gemma-3-27B and Qwen-3.5-122B to predict revealed pairwise task choices, and identify a genuine preference vector: it tracks the model's preferences as they shift across a range of prompts and situations, and on Gemma-3-27B steering along it causally controls pairwise choice. This preference representation is largely shared across personas: a probe trained on the helpful assistant predicts and steers the choices of qualitatively different personas, including an evil persona whose preferences anti-correlate with those of the Assistant.