Computational Psycholinguistics

Idioms can be analysed in terms of their decomposability, the extent to which constituent meanings contribute to the figurative whole. Decomposability is thought to predict syntactic flexibility. Usage-based accounts instead attribute idiom behaviour to distributional experience, such as speaker familiarity and predictability. We examine these views using contextualised language models as controlled distributional learners. We propose a model-internal measure of decomposability and relate it to human ratings, syntactic flexibility, and predictability while tracking idiom learning during pretraining. Model-derived decomposability correlates weakly with human judgments and shows a small but consistent negative relationship with syntactic flexibility. Pretraining analyses show that stabilisation of idiom representations in models is not explained by frequency alone. Instead, surprisal, decomposability, and frequency all contribute, with decomposability showing the strongest training-dependent effect.

The way our eyes move while reading provides valuable insights into both the reader's cognitive processes and the properties of the text. In particular, eye-tracking-while-reading data has shown to be highly beneficial in various technological applications, such as enhancing and interpreting language models and inferring a reader's characteristics. However, these applications often rely on large-scale, data-driven models, which demand extensive eye-tracking datasets that are challenging to obtain due to the resource-intensive nature of data collection. To address the challenge of data scarcity, we develop Eyettention II, an end-to-end trained deep-learning model capable of generating realistic scanpaths consisting of a complete set of fixation attributes in chronological order, including fixation location, within-word landing position, and fixation duration. Our model is lightweight, efficiently trainable on limited GPU resources, and closely aligned with cognitive theories. We demonstrate that Eyettention II surpasses state-of-the-art models in scanpath prediction and mirrors human-like gaze behavior by capturing key psycholinguistic phenomena. With its robust performance, Eyettention II holds the potential to drive advancements in natural language processing, facilitate piloting the materials of psycholinguistic experiments, and uncover new insights beyond what is explicitly encoded in theoretical cognitive models.

Cross-cultural comparison of psychological meaning requires methods that go beyond word-level translation and examine how semantic dimensions are organized across languages. We introduce a cross-lingual extension of the Supervised Semantic Differential (SSD), which estimates supervised semantic gradients in embedding space and compares them across aligned multilingual word embeddings. The method tests gradient alignment and difference using permutation procedures and bootstrap intervals, and interprets residual differences through clustering around the difference gradient. We demonstrate the approach on Polish, English, and French affective norm lexicons, modeling Valence, Arousal, and Dominance where available. Affective dimensions were significantly recoverable across languages and model settings. Cross-lingual comparisons showed broad alignment together with structured residual differences: Valence appeared mostly shared, whereas Arousal and Dominance produced more interpretable contrasts involving bodily threat, aesthetic stimulation, internal emotionality, macro-level authority, and everyday control. Several clusters also reflected corpus-specific artifacts, underscoring the need for cautious interpretation. Cross-lingual SSD offers an explainable framework for testing semantic alignment, identifying divergence, and generating hypotheses about cross-cultural differences in psychological meaning.

Understanding how conceptual knowledge is grounded in bodily experience, and to what extent machine systems can acquire such knowledge without direct sensorimotor experience, are central questions in both cognitive science and embodied artificial intelligence research. Large-scale normative resources are essential for investigating these questions empirically, yet such resources remain sparse for non-Indo-European languages. We present a novel normative database for 3,000 lexicalized concepts in Mandarin Chinese, comprising 11-dimensional sensorimotor ratings and unidimensional embodiment ratings collected from 378 native Mandarin speakers. The ratings demonstrate high reliability and strong cross-norm validity with existing Chinese resources, each of which covers fewer words and a subset of the 11 sensorimotor dimensions. In a validation study, we tested new variables derived from a theoretically motivated metric, Perceptual Strength of Embodiment (PSE) (Huang et al., 2025), together with seven common composite variables, on lexical decision tasks. The results suggest that PSE-Sensorimotor and Minkowski-3 are the strongest composite predictors of lexical decision performance, capturing the facilitatory effects of sensorimotor information on lexical processing. A further exploratory study showed that sensorimotor ratings are substantially recoverable from purely linguistic representations using simple regression models (mean Spearman r = .62 across dimensions), though recovery varied markedly: visual and auditory dimensions yielded higher correspondence than chemosensory ones. Representational similarity analysis further showed that the relational geometry of the sensorimotor space is also partially recoverable (r = .540), consistent with the view that distributional language use encodes aspects of embodied conceptual structure.

The fundamental challenge of listening in multi-talker environments is a cognitive bottleneck, defined by the Ease of Language Understanding (ELU) model as a failure within the RAMPHO episodic buffer. Current deep neural networks for speech enhancement optimize purely for physical acoustics, failing to account for the cognitive penalty of informational masking. Here, we present an in silico simulation of the RAMPHO buffer using the frame-by-frame phonetic entropy of a self-supervised acoustic model (wav2vec 2.0). By contrasting a semantically intact distractor with a phase-decorrelated distractor (the Concentration Shield) across a signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) sweep, we successfully dissociate the cognitive penalty of informational distraction from the physical penalty of energetic decay. The simulation reveals a cognitive-acoustic Pareto optimization problem: destroying a distractor's semantic payload provides a release from informational masking at high SNRs, but fundamentally degrades temporal glimpsing cues at low SNRs.

In what ways might statistical signals in linguistic input assist with the acquisition of syntax? Here we hypothesize a mechanism called collocational bootstrapping, in which regularities in word co-occurrence patterns can provide cues to syntactic dependencies. We investigate whether this mechanism can support the acquisition of English subject-verb agreement. First, we simulate language acquisition by training neural networks on synthetic datasets that vary in how predictable their subject-verb pairings are. We find that there is a range of variability levels at which these statistical learners robustly learn subject-verb agreement. We then analyze the variability of subject-verb pairings in child-directed language, and we find that the variability in such data falls within the range that supported robust generalization in our computational simulations. Taken together, these results suggest that collocational bootstrapping is a viable learning strategy for the type of input that children receive.

A key question in psycholinguistics is how inferences about the meaning of linguistic input unfold incrementally a comprehender's mind. In this work, we study reading dynamics for ``noisy-channel garden-path'' sentences, which temporarily appear well-formed but feature late-appearing violations of expectation that can be resolved not by inferring an alternative syntactic structure, but by inferring the presence of an error. We find evidence for targeted regressions -- eye movements towards regions that are promising loci of possible errors in light of later-arriving information, showing patterns consistent with the posterior inferences of a model of noisy-channel processing with reanalysis. We discuss the implications of these findings for theories of noisy-channel language comprehension and information-theoretic explanations of reading dynamics.

Manner and result verbs encode different aspects of event structure and have been discussed in developmental work as a potentially informative distinction for studying early verb learning. However, this distinction remains difficult to measure at scale because large annotated resources for manner and result classification are not currently available. We present a computational approach for identifying manner and result verbs in sentence context. Using linguistically informed prompts, we generate sentence-level annotations with large language models over data drawn from MASC and InterCorp, extending coverage from previously annotated portions of VerbNet to 436 classes. We then train a RoBERTa-based classifier on these annotations and evaluate it on three held-out gold-standard datasets, including previously annotated items and a new expert-annotated set. Across these evaluations, the model shows promising performance, with average accuracy up to 89.6%. We present this work as a scalable measurement tool that can support future research on verb semantics in developmental and other language datasets, while noting that further validation is needed for borderline cases, mixed manner/result verbs, and downstream developmental applications.

Surprisal theory posits that the processing difficulty of a word is determined by its predictability in context, offering a potential link between human sentence processing and next-word predictions from language models. While language model (LM) surprisals successfully predict reading times in naturalistic text, they systematically underpredict the magnitude of difficulty observed in controlled studies of syntactic ambiguity, particularly in garden path sentences. This mismatch might arise from differences in the computational constraints between humans and LMs. Here we test one such hypothesis, specifically, that LMs may be able to simultaneously consider a greater number of distinct sentence interpretations at once, compared to humans. Using Recurrent Neural Network Grammars (RNNGs) with word-synchronous beam search, we systematically vary the number of simultaneous parses used to compute word surprisal, and then use these surprisals to predict human reading times. Reducing the number of simultaneous active parses indeed increases the magnitude of predicted garden path effects, but not nearly enough to capture the full magnitude of the effects in humans. This suggests that differences in the number of simultaneous parses available to LMs and humans cannot reconcile LM-based surprisal with human sentence processing.

Communicating using only a limited vocabulary is a common but challenging cognitive phenomenon, requiring an ideal communicator to plan carefully to optimize for intelligibility while circumventing a constrained lexicon. In this work, we investigate how humans respond to a broad array of questions under variable vocabulary limitations, consisting of only 250 highly frequent words at the most restrictive. We provide theoretically motivated comparisons to greedy and globally optimal sampling algorithms using Sequential Monte Carlo inference with large language models. Humans generally resemble greedy sampling more than globally optimal sampling, though more skilled humans are more likely to backtrack and revise -- a non-greedy behavior. An observed human pattern of leaning on semantically light words in high-constraint settings falls out of both greedy and globally optimal sampling. We discuss the results and their broader implications for resource-rational cognition, psycholinguistics, L2 communication, and language impairments.

Is child-directed language (CDL) optimized to support language learning, and which aspects of linguistic development does it facilitate? We investigate this question using neural language models trained on CDL versus adult-directed language (ADL). We selectively remove syntactic or lexical co-occurrence information from the model training data, and evaluate the impact of these manipulations on verb meaning acquisition. While disrupting syntax impairs learning across all datasets, models trained on CDL and spoken ADL show significantly higher resilience than those trained on written input. Tracking semantic and syntactic performance over training, we observe a semantic-first trajectory, with verb meanings emerging prior to robust syntactic proficiency, an asynchrony most pronounced in the spoken domain, especially CDL. These results suggest that the advantage for verb learning previously attributed to CDL may instead reflect broader properties of the spoken register, rather than a uniquely CDL-specific optimization.

This paper is concerned with what intermediate syntactic categories children acquire during first language development, and in what order. Maturational theories make different predictions. Bottom-up accounts (GROWING) propose that lexical and inflectional structure emerges first, while inward accounts (INWARD) predict early access to discourse-related categories. We computationally operationalise these hypotheses of staged syntactic emergence using statistical grammar induction, asking what each proposed ordering makes learnable when input and learning algorithm are held constant. Our framework makes category acquisition explicit and allows us to explore how different maturational orderings shape the structure that can be learned under identical conditions. Based on this operationalisation, the GROWING account significantly outperforms the INWARD account across three evaluation metrics.

Language-model (LM) surprisal is widely used as a proxy for contextual predictability and has been reported to correlate with metaphor novelty judgments. However, surprisal is tightly intertwined with lexical frequency. We explore this interaction on metaphor novelty ratings using two different word frequency measures. We analyse surprisal estimates from eight Pythia model sizes and 154 training checkpoints. Across settings, word frequency is a stronger predictor of metaphor novelty than surprisal. Across training stages, the surprisal--novelty association peaks at an early stage and then falls again, mirroring a similarly timed increase in the surprisal--frequency association. These results suggest that the often-reported optimal LM surprisal settings may incorrectly associate contextual predictability with metaphor novelty and processing difficulty, whereas lexical frequency may be the major underlying factor.

This paper presents the development and validation of an eye-tracking dataset designed to investigate how second-language (L2) learners process idiomatic expressions. While native speakers often rely on direct retrieval of figurative meanings, L2 speakers frequently adopt a literal-first approach, which incurs measurable cognitive costs. This resource captures these costs through ocular metrics recorded from Portuguese L1 speakers of English across all CEFR proficiency levels (A1-C2). Although the study uses entry-level 60 Hz hardware (Tobii Pro Spark), we demonstrate that this sampling rate provides sufficient data density to detect macro-cognitive events such as fixations and regressions in reading. Preliminary analysis validates the dataset by revealing a strong inverse correlation between language proficiency and regressive eye movements. Integrated into the MIA (Modeling Idiomaticity in Human and Artificial Language Processing) initiative, this dataset serves as a cognitively grounded benchmark for evaluating both human processing models and the alignment of large language models with human-like figurative understanding.

Human languages expand vocabularies by combining existing morphemes rather than inventing arbitrary forms. Communicative efficiency shapes lexical systems at multiple levels (Gibson et al., 2019), yet morphological composition -- combining morphemes through compounding or affixation -- has rarely been modeled as a historically situated speaker choice among competing morpheme sequences, leaving unanswered why a language settles on one morpheme combination over other plausible alternatives. We ask whether a trade-off between listener recoverability and speaker production cost can predict attested compositions over contemporaneously available alternatives. Here we show, within the Rational Speech Act (RSA) framework (Frank & Goodman, 2012; Goodman & Frank, 2016) using a time-indexed lexicon constructed from Corpus of Historical American English (COHA) and Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), that across 4323 naturally occurring English compounds and derivations spanning 1820--2019, attested compositions are systematically ranked above unattested alternatives generated from contemporaneously available morphemes. Models integrating semantic informativeness with production cost outperform semantic-only and cost-only baselines on Mean Reciprocal Rank (MRR) and top-k accuracy (Acc@k), with the advantage of the Pragmatic Speaker model ($S_1$) over the semantic-only baseline growing as the candidate set expands, where meaning alone leaves morphological choice underdetermined. These findings suggest that lexicalization reflects a communicative trade-off between expressiveness and efficiency, extending rational accounts of communication from utterance-level choice to the internal structure of words.

Isolated word meanings are inherently uncertain. This uncertainty reduces when they are combined and anchored in context. We propose that grammar compresses meaning uncertainty cross-linguistically, which is reflected in brain and selectively disrupted in disorders. Compression was operationalized as the relative difference between non-contextual surprisal estimated from lexical frequency, and contextual surprisal from grammar-sensitive models. In narratives from 20 languages, contextual surprisal reduced frequency-based surprisal. This reduction closely tracked the surprisal cost of reversing word order, and scaled with richer, non-redundant lexis as organized by more complex but optimal dependency structure. During fMRI, surprisal and its reduction explained BOLD activity for comprehension and production in overlapping but distinct regions. Uncertainty reduction was significantly attenuated in aphasia, dementia, and schizophrenia, but remained intact where primary deficit is not language. These findings position uncertainty reduction via grammar as a foundational concept that illuminates principles, brain basis, and disruptions of language.

We model utterance production as probabilistic cost-sensitive choice over contextual alternatives, using information-theoretic notions of cost. We distinguish between goal-directed alternatives that realise a fixed communicative intent and goal-agnostic alternatives defined only by contextual plausibility, allowing us to derive speaker- and listener-oriented interpretations of different cost measures. We present a procedure to generate both types of alternative sets using language models. Analysing production choices in open-ended dialogue under both deterministic and probabilistic cost minimisation, we find that surprisal minimisation relative to goal-directed alternatives provides the strongest predictive account under both analyses. By contrast, uniform information density and length-based costs exhibit weaker and less consistent predictive power across conditions. More broadly, our study suggests that alternative-conditioned optimisation with LM-generated alternatives provides a principled framework for studying speaker and listener pressures in naturalistic language production.

Surprisal theory links human processing effort to the predictability of an upcoming linguistic unit, but empirical work often leaves the notion of a unit underspecified. In practice, experimental stimuli are segmented into linguistically motivated units (e.g., words), while pretrained language models assign probability mass to a fixed token alphabet that typically does not align with those units. As a result, surprisal-based predictors depend implicitly on ad hoc procedures that conflate two distinct modeling choices: the definition of the unit of analysis and the choice of regions of interest over which predictions are evaluated. In this paper, we disentangle these choices and give a unified framework for reasoning about surprisal over arbitrary unit inventories. We argue that surprisal-based analyses should make these choices explicit and treat tokenization as an implementation detail rather than a scientific primitive.

Maintaining information in context is essential in successful real-time language comprehension, but maintenance is cognitively costly and can slow processing. We hypothesize that rational language users selectively maintain information that is crucial for future prediction, guided by syntactic structure. Under this view, two factors affect maintenance cost: the number of predicted heads and the number of incomplete dependencies. Although these factors have been treated as competing hypotheses in the literature, our account predicts that they are not reducible to one another. We show this is the case in a naturalistic reading time dataset in Japanese, a language in which the two factors contrast particularly clearly. We further show that there is a tradeoff such that readers that slow down for maintenance tend to benefit more from predictability, providing additional support for the proposed account. These patterns are not evident in English, however, and we highlight some issues to be resolved to understand the contribution of syntax in memory-efficient processing of various languages.

Modeling the emergence of human-like lexicons in computational systems has advanced through the use of interacting neural agents, which simulate both learning and communicative pressures. The NeLLCom-Lex framework (Zhang et al., 2025) allows neural agents to develop pragmatic color naming behavior and human-like lexicons through supervised learning (SL) from human data and reinforcement learning (RL) in referential games. Despite these successes, the lexicons that emerge diverge systematically from human color categories, producing highly non-convex regions in color space, which contrast with the convexity typical of human categories. To address this, we introduce two factors, upsampling rare color terms during SL and multi-listener RL interactions, and adopt a convexity measure to quantify geometric coherence. We find that upsampling improves lexical diversity and system-level informativeness of the color lexicon, while many-listener setups promote more convex color categories. The combination of moderate upsampling and multiple listeners produces lexicons most similar to human systems.

While language models demonstrate sophisticated syntactic capabilities, the extent to which their internal mechanisms align with cross-constructional principles studied in linguistics remains poorly understood. This study investigates whether models employ shared neural mechanisms across different syntactic constructions by applying causal interpretability methods at a granular level. Focusing on filler-gap dependencies and negative polarity item (NPI) licensing, we utilize activation patching to identify the functional roles of specific attention heads and MLP blocks. Our results reveal a highly localized and shared mechanism for filler-gap dependencies located in the early to middle layers, whereas NPI processing exhibits no such unified mechanism. Furthermore, we find that these mechanisms identified by activation patching generalize to out-of-distribution, while distributed alignment search, a supervised interpretability method, is susceptible to overfitting on narrow linguistic distributions. Finally, we validate our findings by demonstrating that the manipulation of the identified components improves model performance on acceptability judgment benchmarks.

Free-association norms provide essential empirical data for investigating linguistic, semantic, and cultural phenomena in the cognitive sciences. Although large-scale norms exist for languages such as English, Dutch, Spanish, and Mandarin Chinese, no comparable resource has been available for German. To address this gap, we present free-association norms for 5,877 German cue words as part of the German version of the multilingual Small World of Words (SWOW) project. We describe the data collection procedures, participant characteristics, and our comprehensive preprocessing pipeline before introducing the resulting SWOW-DE data set. Using data from three established psycholinguistic paradigms, we show that SWOW-DE norms robustly predict performance in lexical decision tasks, relatedness judgments, and psycholinguistic word ratings. Furthermore, we demonstrate that SWOW-DE responses compare favorably with existing German resources and provide a preliminary cross-linguistic comparison revealing both shared and language-specific association patterns, highlighting promising directions for future research. Overall, SWOW-DE represents the largest collection of German free associations to date and offers a unique resource for linguistic, psychological, and cross-cultural research.

Probing has shown that language model representations encode rich linguistic information, but it remains unclear whether they also capture cognitive signals about human processing. In this work, we probe language model representations for human reading times. Using regularized linear regression on two eye-tracking corpora spanning five languages (English, Greek, Hebrew, Russian, and Turkish), we compare the representations from every model layer against scalar predictors -- surprisal, information value, and logit-lens surprisal. We find that the representations from early layers outperform surprisal in predicting early-pass measures such as first fixation and gaze duration. The concentration of predictive power in the early layers suggests that human-like processing signatures are captured by low-level structural or lexical representations, pointing to a functional alignment between model depth and the temporal stages of human reading. In contrast, for late-pass measures such as total reading time, scalar surprisal remains superior, despite its being a much more compressed representation. We also observe performance gains when using both surprisal and early-layer representations. Overall, we find that the best-performing predictor varies strongly depending on the language and eye-tracking measure.

A recent study (Kuribayashi et al., 2025) has shown that human sentence processing behavior, typically measured on syntactically unchallenging constructions, can be effectively modeled using surprisal from early layers of large language models (LLMs). This raises the question of whether such advantages of internal layers extend to more syntactically challenging constructions, where surprisal has been reported to underestimate human cognitive effort. In this paper, we begin by exploring internal layers that better estimate human cognitive effort observed in syntactic ambiguity processing in English. Our experiments show that, in contrast to naturalistic reading, later layers better estimate such a cognitive effort, but still underestimate the human data. This dual alignment sheds light on different modes of sentence processing in humans and LMs: naturalistic reading employs a somewhat weak prediction akin to earlier layers of LMs, while syntactically challenging processing requires more fully-contextualized representations, better modeled by later layers of LMs. Motivated by these findings, we also explore several probability-update measures using shallow and deep layers of LMs, showing a complementary advantage to single-layer's surprisal in reading time modeling.

Surprisal theory hypothesizes that the difficulty of human sentence processing increases linearly with surprisal, the negative log-probability of a word given its context. Computational psycholinguistics has tested this hypothesis using language models (LMs) as proxies for human prediction. While surprisal derived from recent neural LMs generally captures human processing difficulty on naturalistic corpora that predominantly consist of simple sentences, it severely underestimates processing difficulty on sentences that require syntactic disambiguation (garden-path effects). This leads to the claim that the processing difficulty of such sentences cannot be reduced to surprisal, although it remains possible that neural LMs simply differ from humans in next-word prediction. In this paper, we investigate whether it is truly impossible to construct a neural LM that can explain garden-path effects via surprisal. Specifically, instead of evaluating off-the-shelf neural LMs, we fine-tune these LMs on garden-path sentences so as to better align surprisal-based reading-time estimates with actual human reading times. Our results show that fine-tuned LMs do not overfit and successfully capture human reading slowdowns on held-out garden-path items; they even improve predictive power for human reading times on naturalistic corpora and preserve their general LM capabilities. These results provide an existence proof for a neural LM that can explain both garden-path effects and naturalistic reading times via surprisal, but also raise a theoretical question: what kind of evidence can truly falsify surprisal theory?

Temporarily ambiguous garden-path sentences ("While the team trained the striker wondered... ") are known to cause processing difficulty, which can manifest itself in a variety of reading behaviors (in-situ slowdowns, rereading), as well as in miscomprehension or outright rejection of the sentence as ungrammatical. Which types of reading behavior are observed critically depends on the experimental method used to collect the data, which makes comparing results between reading paradigms difficult. To address this problem, we present a latent-process multinomial processing tree (MPT) model of human reading and comprehension/judgment behavior in garden-path sentences that we fit to combined data from four different reading paradigms (eye tracking, uni- and bidirectional self-paced reading, Maze). The model distinguishes between the probability of adopting an incorrect initial analysis, the cost of encountering an incompatible continuation, and the cost of syntactic reanalysis. By taking into account trials with inattentive reading, more realistic estimates of the cost parameters are obtained. Cross-validation reveals that the MPT model has a better predictive fit to human reading patterns and end-of-trial task data than a model based solely on LLM-derived surprisal values. We also test several models that assume an influence of surprisal within the MPT architecture, and find that adding surprisal as an additional predictor or reading time and/or garden-path cost further improves predictive fit.

Like visual processing, language processing is susceptible to illusions in which people systematically misperceive stimuli. In one such case--the comparative illusion (CI), e.g., More students have been to Russia than I have--comprehenders tend to judge the sentence as acceptable despite its underlying nonsensical comparison. Prior research has argued that this phenomenon can be explained as Bayesian inference over a noisy channel: the posterior probability of an interpretation of a sentence is proportional to both the prior probability of that interpretation and the likelihood of corruption into the observed (CI) sentence. Initial behavioral work has supported this claim by evaluating a narrow set of alternative interpretations of CI sentences and showing that comprehenders favor interpretations that are more likely to have been corrupted into the illusory sentence. In this study, we replicate and go substantially beyond this earlier work by directly predicting the strength of illusion with a quantitative model of the posterior probability of plausible interpretations, which we derive through a novel synthesis of statistical language models with human behavioral data. Our model explains not only the fine gradations in the strength of CI effects, but also a previously unexplained effect caused by pronominal vs. full noun phrase than-clause subjects. These findings support a noisy-channel theory of sentence comprehension by demonstrating that the theory makes novel predictions about the comparative illusion that bear out empirically. This outcome joins related evidence of noisy channel processing in both illusory and non-illusory contexts to support noisy channel inference as a unified computational-level theory of diverse language processing phenomena.

Psycholinguistics studies show that human readers fall for coherence illusions: an incoherent discourse can seem coherent simply because a distractor matches what comes next. We investigate whether Dutch language models (6 monolingual and 4 multilingual) show the same behavior on texts that link back to earlier context with words such as 'again' and 'too'. First, we find that surprisal at the critical word tracks human acceptability judgments and eye-tracking data. Models are more surprised by incoherent continuations, but a matching distractor in the prior context reduces this surprisal. Second, attention entropy identifies heads that behave differently under coherence vs. incoherence. We find that ablating these heads shows transfer effects across experiments, suggesting a shared mechanism. Third, we introduce energy from the associative-memory literature as a metric to quantify discourse coherence. Taken together, our results show that coherence illusions arise in Dutch LLMs, with entropy and energy exposing mechanisms that operate across settings.