Child Language Acquisition

Structured phonological representations provide an interpretable alternative to generic speech embeddings, but existing models are largely trained on adult speech. We adapt PhonoQ-2.0 to child speech using CHILDES-Aligned data and compare three alignment-supervision conditions (Adult, Adult+Child, and Child-only) across two initialization strategies (Adult PhonoQ and scratch). Generalization is evaluated against manual child-speech annotations. On 1,352 consonant targets from 58 typically developing children, child-speech adaptation improves voicing recognition across all supervision conditions, from 0.922 macro-F1 for Adult PhonoQ to 0.972--0.987 after adaptation. Manner is more sensitive to alignment supervision: Adult+Child MFA reaches 0.804 and 0.796, compared to approximately 0.70 under Adult MFA supervision. Place remains comparatively strong across systems (0.871--0.902), although per-class performance varies substantially. The velar-fronting contrast is preserved across all seven model variants. Longitudinal UltraPhonix analysis further reveals speaker-specific velar and post-alveolar changes that are largely preserved across models and broadly consistent with reported clinical progress.

Cross-linguistic effects are a central topic in bilingual first-language acquisition. Artificial learners can help investigate L1-L2 interactions by enabling controlled comparisons across language combinations and learning conditions. Recent work explores this direction by training bilingual language models under developmentally plausible constraints. However, human and model learners still diverge in fundamental ways, with one major difference being input modality: children learn primarily from spoken input, whereas language models are typically trained on orthographic text. To reduce this gap, researchers have trained models on phonemic representations of speech. In this work, we combine these research directions to train bilingual BabyLMs with phonemic input. We keep English fixed as the L2 and vary the L1 across German, Swedish, Persian, and Basque, selected to represent contrasting combinations of syntactic and phoneme-inventory distance from English. Our results show stronger L1-related variation in grammatical learning trajectories under phonemic than orthographic input, while early lexical differences align with phoneme-inventory similarity.

Large language models (LLMs) have increasingly been used to investigate how children acquire syntax at an early stage of development. This is notably the central scientific goal of the BabyLM challenge, a community-wide effort to develop models that achieve human-level syntactic performance while being trained on developmentally realistic corpora. In this paper, we reflect on the use of LLMs in the study of infant syntax learning by providing an epistemological assessment of several studies from this research program. We discuss how datasets are built, which models are implemented, how they are trained and syntactically evaluated. We observe significant assumptions in the methodology of BabyLM and related studies, thus mitigating their theoretical scope. We additionally observe that using developmentally-realistic corpora have limited effects on models performance on commonly-used benchmarks, which suggest important computational differences between LLMs and the infant syntax learner.

Acquiring telicity, which is the distinction between bounded (e.g., ate an apple) and unbounded (e.g., ate apples) events, requires first language (L1) learners to map surface-level and semantic cues to abstract event structures, but the computational trajectory of this mapping is not well understood. We introduce a Difference in Surprisal method that uses GPT2 token surprisal over paired temporal adverbial diagnostics (in an hour versus for an hour) to automatically label telicity across English CHILDES corpora, validated against expert linguist judgments. Using these labels, we train diagnostic logistic regression classifiers on 12 syntactic and lexical semantic features to compare how child speech and child-directed speech encode telicity. The two models diverge: the child model reaches near perfect accuracy through a single deterministic cue, the presence of a post-verbal determiner, while the adult model relies more heavily on verb class and other lexical semantic features, with the determiner cue neutralized. This trajectory supports Syntactic Bootstrapping: learners first exploit high-frequency structural cues as a scaffold to bootstrap, before developing fully compositional, verb-based event structures.

Social interaction is central to children's language learning, but the effects of different forms of caregiver feedback are difficult to isolate in naturalistic data. We use child-like language models as controlled learners to test which forms of feedback support grammatical development. Small GPT-2-style models are pretrained on child-directed language from CHILDES, then fine-tuned with reinforcement learning using reward models trained to capture four feedback types: communicative feedback, structural alignment, semantic contingency, and affective feedback. Reward fine-tuning yields limited gains on minimal-pair evaluations, but clearer effects in free generation. Structural alignment produces the strongest improvements in grammaticality, providing a novel, plausible mechanistic account of how this feedback can support grammar learning. Communicative feedback yields more moderate gains. In contrast, semantic contingency and affective feedback do not improve grammaticality, although further analyses suggest that they may support other aspects of language learning beyond grammar. These results suggest that different forms of caregiver feedback make complementary contributions to language learning.

How do learners avoid overgeneralizations such as Tom laughed me without explicit negative evidence? Constructionists have posited two proposals that describe indirect negative evidence against overgeneralizations: preemption (which privileges exposure to near-synonymous construction---e.g., she made him laugh) vs. entrenchment (all exposures to a verb's grammatical usages, including cases like He laughed). We disentangle these hypotheses by running controlled rearing experiments on LMs trained on child-caregiver conversations, where we systematically remove preemptive vs. non-preemptive evidence. We find that while LMs avoid overgeneralizations, they do not show preemption at a verb-specific level, instead showing weak but non-zero evidence of abstract preemption. Combined with results from analyzing the LMs' training dynamics, we find that LMs treat competing structures as indirect positive---as opposed to negative---evidence in the verb-specific condition. Insofar as preemption is the more plausible route to avoiding overgeneralizations in humans, our results point the need for there to be sensitivities to indirect negative evidence in neural network learners, and suggest new human experiments to test abstract preemption.

Is word acquisition in children uneven with respect to semantic and lexical categories? To answer this question, we model early language learning as a search on a graph-based mental lexicon, driven by two interacting processes: spreading activation and an enforced exploration (rather than exploitation) of lexical categories. We evaluate model performance on four languages (German, English, Dutch, and Rioplatense Spanish), using CDIs as ground-truth data for lexical categories, normative ages derived from the Wordbank repository, and state-of-the-art resources for reconstructing graphs of word similarities. We find that spreading activation outperforms a shortest path baseline in simulating normative word acquisition. At the category level, we highlight complex transitions between CDIs. By studying their sequences in terms of burstiness and average persistence time within the same CDI, we find that spreading activation better captures the exploration dynamics observed empirically. Overall, our findings suggest that vocabulary development can be understood through the non-trivial interplay between activation dynamics and some degree of constraints regulating the visiting of lexical categories in complex networks.

Learning grounded word meaning from natural experience requires resolving two ambiguities in infant-view recordings: when the named referent appears and where it is in a cluttered frame. In SAYCam-style data, caregiver speech is sparse and weakly synchronized with egocentric video, so single-frame contrastive pairing yields noisy positives in which the intended object is absent or entangled with distractors. We propose BabyMind, an object-first bias for child-view contrastive learning under sparse, noisy supervision. BabyMind extracts candidate object embeddings using an offline mask-based region interface, links candidates across a short utterance-centered window into lightweight object files via tracking, and aligns utterances to bags of object files with a prototype-space multiple-instance contrastive objective. Track-coherence and global-object agreement regularizers stabilize learning and transfer object-file structure into the global frame embedding used at evaluation. On SAYCam-S, BabyMind improves Labeled-S 15 forced-choice accuracy by +2.6 points over CVCL and yields consistent gains on in-vocabulary out-of-distribution benchmarks. Code is available at https://github.com/sathiiii/BabyMind.

Recursion enables the generation of hierarchical linguistic structures but imposes substantial processing demands during real-time comprehension. While difficulties with complex syntax have been reported in autism spectrum disorder (ASD), the temporal dynamics of recursive processing remain poorly understood. This study used event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine how Mandarin-speaking children with ASD process two-level recursive locative constructions. Twenty-four children (12 ASD, 12 typically developing, TD) participated in a cross-modal sentence-picture matching task. Neural responses were analyzed across three processing stages associated with structural prediction (P200), semantic integration (N400), and syntactic reanalysis (P600), with mental age controlled. Results revealed a systematic divergence between groups. TD children showed clear P200 and P600 modulation in response to structural mismatch, whereas ASD children exhibited attenuated early differentiation and reduced late reanalysis effects. In contrast, ASD children showed enhanced N400 responses under mismatch conditions, indicating increased semantic integration demands. In addition, the ASD group displayed significantly greater inter-individual variability in hemispheric lateralization, although lateralization strength was not associated with receptive vocabulary performance. These findings support a cascading account in which reduced early predictive engagement in ASD leads to increased integration costs and diminished reanalysis efficiency during recursive processing. More broadly, the results highlight the importance of both temporal processing dynamics and neural variability in understanding language differences in ASD.

Recent studies suggest that child-directed speech is not conducive to language learning in BabyLMs. However, current evaluations focus predominantly on comprehension and not production, which is central to usage-based theories of language acquisition which argue how CDS facilitates early language use through constructional ''frames'' (frequent lexical patterns with open slots). We introduce a novel generation-based evaluation inspired by such theories in form of a frame-completion task, and compare Llama models trained with CDS, the BabyLM corpus, and web-crawl data (FineWeb-edu) on comprehension benchmarks and our novel framework. Our results reveal a clear dissociation between models' comprehension and production capabilities: while FineWeb-trained models excel at minimal pairs, CDS-trained models produce grammatical completions substantially earlier in training and concentrate probability mass on appropriate slot-fillers. These findings show that comprehension benchmarks underestimate what CDS affords to BabyLMs.

We present ChildVox, a novel benchmark for characterizing the diverse acoustic signals through which children communicate. Specifically, ChildVox follows the full developmental trajectory from birth through school age, covering physiological sounds, non-linguistic vocalizations, canonical syllables, and spoken language. ChildVox integrates more than 20 sub-tasks across 17 child-centered audio and speech datasets, enabling systematic cross-corpus and cross-domain comparison. We evaluate a representative range of audio and speech foundation models, including self-supervised, ASR-oriented, and large audio-language models, on tasks including physiological sound classification, vocalization and canonical syllables modeling, and speech quality assessment and recognition. Benchmark results show that ChildVox provides a suite of high-performance models in recognizing a wide range of acoustic signals from children, supporting downstream applications such as characterizing children's language levels and tracking speech production with age. Our benchmark models on public datasets are released at: https://github.com/tiantiaf0627/childvox-release.

We introduce quantitative metrics for child language acquisition to evaluate language models. Our focus is on the formal syntactic and functional discourse properties of determiners in English, which young children acquire early and accurately. We propose Contextual Alternative Choice (CAC), a new prompting method which provides targeted tests for both syntactic and discourse knowledge of language. The method enables direct comparison of language models against children, and more importantly, against statistical benchmarks independently established in empirical research. No current model trained on a comparable amount of data simultaneously meet both formal and functional benchmarks like human children, but some very large models do. We present our results as methodological and technical contributions, with specific emphasis on cognitive status of language models.

In what ways might statistical signals in linguistic input assist with the acquisition of syntax? Here we hypothesize a mechanism called collocational bootstrapping, in which regularities in word co-occurrence patterns can provide cues to syntactic dependencies. We investigate whether this mechanism can support the acquisition of English subject-verb agreement. First, we simulate language acquisition by training neural networks on synthetic datasets that vary in how predictable their subject-verb pairings are. We find that there is a range of variability levels at which these statistical learners robustly learn subject-verb agreement. We then analyze the variability of subject-verb pairings in child-directed language, and we find that the variability in such data falls within the range that supported robust generalization in our computational simulations. Taken together, these results suggest that collocational bootstrapping is a viable learning strategy for the type of input that children receive.

CHILDES is a paramount resource for language acquisition studies -- yet computational tools for analyzing its syntactic structure remain limited. Leveraging the recent release of the UD-English-CHILDES treebank with gold-standard Universal Dependencies (UD) annotations, we train a state-of-the-art dependency parser specifically tailored to CHILDES. The parser more accurately captures syntactic patterns in child-adult interactions, outperforming widely used off-the-shelf English parsers, including SpaCy and Stanza. Alongside the parser, we also release a Part-of-Speech tagger and an utterance-level construction tagger, which together form the open-source Syntactic Parsing Toolkit for Child-Adult InTeractions (CAIT). Through a detailed error analysis and a case study tracking the distribution of syntactic constructions across developmental time in CHILDES, we demonstrate the practical utility of the toolkit for large-scale, reproducible research on language acquisition.

Is child-directed language (CDL) optimized to support language learning, and which aspects of linguistic development does it facilitate? We investigate this question using neural language models trained on CDL versus adult-directed language (ADL). We selectively remove syntactic or lexical co-occurrence information from the model training data, and evaluate the impact of these manipulations on verb meaning acquisition. While disrupting syntax impairs learning across all datasets, models trained on CDL and spoken ADL show significantly higher resilience than those trained on written input. Tracking semantic and syntactic performance over training, we observe a semantic-first trajectory, with verb meanings emerging prior to robust syntactic proficiency, an asynchrony most pronounced in the spoken domain, especially CDL. These results suggest that the advantage for verb learning previously attributed to CDL may instead reflect broader properties of the spoken register, rather than a uniquely CDL-specific optimization.

This paper is concerned with what intermediate syntactic categories children acquire during first language development, and in what order. Maturational theories make different predictions. Bottom-up accounts (GROWING) propose that lexical and inflectional structure emerges first, while inward accounts (INWARD) predict early access to discourse-related categories. We computationally operationalise these hypotheses of staged syntactic emergence using statistical grammar induction, asking what each proposed ordering makes learnable when input and learning algorithm are held constant. Our framework makes category acquisition explicit and allows us to explore how different maturational orderings shape the structure that can be learned under identical conditions. Based on this operationalisation, the GROWING account significantly outperforms the INWARD account across three evaluation metrics.

Recursive structures are a core property of human language, yet little is known about how children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) process complex recursion. This ERP study investigated the online processing of two-level recursive possessive structures in Mandarin-speaking children with ASD (n = 12) compared to typically developing (TD) peers (n = 12) using a sentence-picture matching paradigm. ERPs were analyzed for P200 (150-250 ms), N400 (300-500 ms), and P600 (500-1000 ms). Results showed that ASD children exhibited significantly reduced P200 amplitudes and failed to show the typical posterior grammaticality effect, indicating atypical early perceptual processing. No robust N400 violation effect was observed in either group, confirming the mismatch was not a semantic anomaly; however, ASD children showed a reversed anterior effect and an attenuated posterior effect. For the P600, ASD children had significantly reduced amplitudes, no posterior grammaticality effect, and a trend toward delayed latency, reflecting a core deficit in syntactic reanalysis. These findings demonstrate that while lexical-semantic processing is relatively preserved in ASD, the online syntactic computation required for recursion is severely impaired, supporting modular dissociation accounts of language in autism.